The Place of Turkish Woman in Society
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 23, Heft 4, S. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 23, Heft 4, S. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 58, Heft 4, S. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 28, Heft 3, S. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
In: Balkan Araştırma Enstitüsü dergisi: Journal of Balkan Research Institute, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 269-296
ISSN: 2147-1371
Cybercrime or the computer-related crime is the most widespread form of transnational crime, which is in its social and economic characteristics significantly different from traditional and organized crime. Cyberspace offers countless opportunities for economic development, social interaction, and political cooperation, but also provides tools for illegal surveillance, personal data collection, influencing democratic processes, committing crimes, and exchanging numerous ways and methods of warfare. This paper provides an overview of legal documents in the Republic of Serbia related to information security, data security, and deviant behavior in cyberspace, with special emphasis on the analysis of the Strategy for Information Society Development and Information Security in the Republic of Serbia for 2021-2026. Using the criminological approach, this paper focuses on legislation concerning existing criminal offenses related to cybercrime and various forms of other criminal activities, but also on the international cooperation that Serbia achieves in the field of information and cyber security.
In: Alternatif politika: Alternative politics, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 115-141
ISSN: 1309-0593
The forced migration movement from Syria, which began in 2011, has brought about significant changes in civil society within Turkey. The already existing complex relationship between the state and civil society, is further diversified in the context of forced migration, presenting the need to focus on the provision of humanitarian assistance, access to services, and integration of Syrian refugees who are legally under temporary protection, without international refugee recognition. Furthermore, state-driven cross-border humanitarian operations and security-oriented state policies also shape this landscape. Therefore, the interplay between civil society actors –existing, government-supported, and newly emerging– and security-oriented state policies contributes to this transformation. Historical and political realities, alongside global-local crises, influence the trajectory of change within civil society, positioning authorities as pivotal decision-makers in managing individuals' movement. Through in-depth interviews in different cities of Turkey with NGOs and refugee-led civil society members in 2018, the article uncovers the formation and progression of relationships between civil society actors and the state, revealing adaptations and adjustments based on contextual circumstances. The article seeks to move beyond comprehensive liberal and developmental perspectives, instead focusing on the evolving dynamics of state control within migration-related civil society.
In: ViraVerita: disiplinlerarası karşılaşmalar, Heft 17, S. 29-47
ISSN: 2149-3081
Neoliberal hegemonya, toplumların sadece ekonomik ve siyasi yapılarını değiştirmekle kalmamış aynı zamanda bu toplumların üyeleri olarak neoliberal öznelerin duygusal dünyalarını da dönüştürmüştür. Günümüzde hegemonik neoliberal düzenin sürdürülmesinde hazzın üstünlüğü ve acının müstehcenleştirilerek yok edilmesi iki temel duygulanım biçimi olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Neoliberal toplumlar farklı düşünürlerce farklı biçimlerde tasvir edilmişlerdir. Palyatif toplumdan akışkan modern toplumlara kadar birçok toplum modelinin betimlenmesinin temelinde neoliberal siyasal rasyonaliteye hakimiyet vurgusu yatmaktadır. İçinde yaşadığımız toplumda yaşam ve verimlilik övülürken acı ve olumsuzluk gizlenmektedir. Neoliberal toplumlar birer performans ve olumluluk toplumlarıdır. Bu makalede acının toplumsal ve siyasal gelişime koşut bir biçimde gelişiminin ana momentleri vurgulanmaya çalışılacaktır. Bunun için toplumsal gelişmenin üçlü doğası üzerinden bir düşünce geliştirilerek acının da üçlü doğası olabileceği iddia edilecektir. Modernlik öncesi pastoral acıdan, acının ahlakileştirildiği neoliberal topluma uzanan süreçte acının dönüşümü üzerinde durulacaktır. Sonuçta insanın siyasal bir hayvan olduğu vurgusuyla, içinde bulunduğumuz neoliberal haz toplumunda yerinden edilmiş acının doğası üzerine düşünme teşvik edilecektir.
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 78, Heft 4, S. 733-760
ISSN: 1309-1034
Prosopografi olarak bilinen yöntemin öncüsü olan Lewis Bernstein Namier, İngiliz siyasetinin derinliklerini keşfedebilmek için yalnızca siyasi hareketlerin öncülerine odaklanmak yerine, parlamentodaki her bir bireyin ayrıntılı biyografilerini çıkarmıştı. Bu yöntemle Namier, insanların neden siyasete atıldığı sorusuna bir yanıt bulmayı amaçlıyor ve aynı zamanda parlamenterler arasındaki kişisel, bölgesel yahut sosyolojik bağları açıklamaya çalışıyordu. Böylelikle, elbette ideolojik yaklaşımların önemli bir payı olsa da bireylerin politikaya girme arzusunun içinde gizlenmiş dürtülerin birtakım 'ortak paydalar ve çıkarlar' olduğu anlaşılıyordu. Namier'in öncülüğünü yaptığı bu yöntemi kendisine rehber edinmiş bu çalışmada benzer bir deneme Türkiye siyasetine ve Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi üyelerine uyarlanmaya çalışıldı. Yalnızca siyasi partilerin liderlerine veya ön plana çıkmış isimlerine odaklanmaktan ziyade, yaş, cinsiyet, medeni hal, memleket ve meslek gibi temel ssosyo-demografik özellikler çerçevesinde, 2002 ile 2018 yılları arasındaki her bir milletvekiline odaklanan bu çalışma neticesinde, ideolojik zıtlıklarıyla bilinen siyasal yapıların dahi esasında sosyo-demografik bakımdan birbirine son derece yakın oldukları ve her ne kadar politikacılara dair dünya genelinde mevcut olan olumsuz bakış Türkiye'de de egemen olsa da, siyasetçilerin esasında o toplumun özelliklerini fazlasıyla barındırdığı yansıtılmaya gayret edildi.
In: Alternatif politika: Alternative politics, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 486-518
ISSN: 1309-0593
This study investigates the EU's stance on post-Gezi civic engagement, which is based on alternative alliances and against the anti-democratic extremes of state power. Using a Gramscian perspective, the paper underlines the fact that before the protests, Turkey's civil society had been politically socialized by the help of EU financial assistance as a sign of an ideology of consent. That is, the EU has focused on liberal-democratic cooperation with civic organic intellectuals, based on the conviction that civil society is the engine for social and political transformation. However, even though civil society organizations have strengthened their catalysing role and become a new counter-hegemonic political space since the Gezi protests, it is argued that Turkey's normative distance from the EU and the pragmatic links between the EU and Turkey over refugees have led the EU to reduce its financial relationships with Turkey's rights-based civil society.
In: Alternatif politika: Alternative politics, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 453-485
ISSN: 1309-0593
İnsan hakları alanında sosyal hareketlerden ve taban örgütlerinden barolara, iş derneklerine ve gayriresmî iletişim ağlarına kadar uzanan çeşitli aktörler bulunmaktadır. İnsan hakları alanında en etkin aktörlerden biri olan sivil toplum kuruluşları (STK) hem ulusal hem de uluslararası düzeylerde insan haklarının tesisi, korunması ve geliştirilmesi için dünya çapında çeşitli işlevler görmektedir. Bu çalışma, insan hakları temelli STK'lar üzerinden, Türkiye'deki sivil toplum faaliyetlerinin ve mobilizasyon stratejilerinin sistematik bir incelemesini yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Glasius'un sınıflandırmasından yararlan bu çalışmada, Türkiye'deki STK'ların, insan hakları gözlemcisi ve norm-dönüştürücü olarak seslerini duyurabilseler dahi, kanun yapıcı aktörler olarak bu hakların tesisinde ve korunmasında yetersiz kaldıkları savunulmaktadır. İnsan hakları STK'ları izlemede isim zikretme ve utandırma ve yargısal savunuculuk stratejilerini kullanırken, norm dönüşümünde çerçevelemeyi, kanun yapımında ise savunuculuk stratejileri yaygın olarak kullanılmaktadır. Bu çalışma, içerik analiz yöntemini kullanarak STK'ların belgelerine odaklanmakta ve Türkiye'deki insan hakları ve sivil toplum ilişkisini inceleyerek akademik tartışmalara katkı sunmaktadır.
In: The international journal of Kurdish studies: IJOKS, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 1-17
ISSN: 2149-2751
When British travelers visited Kurdish regions in the first half of the twentieth century they recorded their memories and opinions on Kurdish society, especially the position of women. This article analyses the text the British travelers produced to understand whether they were written from an orientalist perspective. The freedom of Kurdish women impressed the British travellers and officers, and in particular they differentiated between Kurdish women and other Muslim societies. They admired the high status of Kurdish women in society regardless of class, in both rural and urban communities. That freedom was reflected in their clothing, lack of face coverings and confident treatment of foreigners. Women participated in politics, became leaders of their communities, and educated themselves, leading British travelers to make comparisons between Kurdish and European women. This article challenges the idea that British travelers considered Kurdish women solely from an orientalist perspective. While orientalism determined many of their views on Kurdish society, British views of Kurdish women were informed by comparison with Europeans.
In: Liberal Düşünce Dergisi, Band 0, Heft 109, S. 219-230
One of the questions in social science is about the relationship between theory and practice. It goes back to the ancient Greek philosophers whose world was strictly separated into polis and oikos. The actors of polis were engaged in the formation of a democratic society requiring active action in the sense of vita activa. According to Arendt, with the decline of the polis and the emergence of the new forms of the society, vita activa was initially set in opposition to vita contemplativa and then later devalued in favour of vita contemplativa. However, with Galilei and Kant, there has been a counter-movement, which no longer understood theory as isolating oneself from the world but as shaping social realities. Theory and practice are joined today by the concept of research. The relationship between theory and practice will be examined initially within a historical perspective offering the genesis. Then the features of some institutions are discussed in terms of their communications with theory and practice and redefined accordingly.
In: Alternatif politika: Alternative politics, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 91-114
ISSN: 1309-0593
How do non-state actors frame climate change in a region labelled as a climate hotspot? To answer this question, this article explores the climate communication strategies of non-state actors with various country origins. Adopting the quantitative content analysis method, it comparatively analyses differing frame utilizations (e.g. ecological/meteorological, policy, economic and energy interests, culture, science and technology, civil society) of non-state actors in their selected climate change/global warming-related reports (n=89) on the Mediterranean. The findings provide clues on the cosmopolitan framing of non-state actors on the regional level.
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 78, Heft 4, S. 813-832
ISSN: 1309-1034
This paper argues that by portraying minority concerns primarily as cultural concerns and by discussing minority existence independently of capitalism, neoliberalism, feminism, environmentalism,
globalization, and the distinction between the Right and the Left, the dominant discourse on ethno-cultural minorities, namely multiculturalism, may lead to the reduction of minority communities to cultural entities in the collective consciousness of the dominant majority. Such reductionism endangers minority existence by identifying the question of minorities with the question of culture to the point that minorities voicing their noncultural political concerns increasingly appear unintelligible, presumptuous, or even destructive to wider society. Against this background, the paper discusses why and how ethno-cultural minorities may find their collective identity in different, not necessarily ethno-cultural, political formations in the age of neoliberal globalism, such as anti-neoliberal, anti-globalist, cosmopolitan, environmentalist, anti-capitalist, feminist, radical democratic, republican, and anti-imperialist. This discussion is based on Ernesto Laclau's and Chantal Mouffe's understanding of hegemony and social antagonism.
In: Ortadoğu Etütleri
The aim of this study is to take lessons for policy makers by examining the theory and practice of the social ecology approach, which is studied as an alternative model to climate change, capitalism and state organization discussions, through field applications. In order to achieve this aim, the basic concepts of social ecology and the approach of ecological society to the city were examined through the examples of southeastern Turkey and 'Rojava'. In the study, an answer has been sought to the research question of "are social ecology-based field practices and theory compatible?" In the theoretical framework, the political, administrative, social and economic discourses of the ecological approach, which puts nature at its center are explained as four criteria of analysis. In the discussions part, the field practices are examined in terms of the reflection of the theory in practice, taking into account the suggestions in political, administrative, social and economic dimensions. Contrary to rhetoric, it has been explained with the kiwi bird metaphor that the practices of PKK/KCK do not adequately reflect Bookchin's social ecology approach.