Suchergebnisse

The article is devoted to the confrontation between the Soviet and German troops on the passes of the Bzyb Range in August – September 1942. As is known, by this time the Wehrmacht forces had suffered serious de-feats from the Soviet armed forces near Moscow, Rostov, and Tikhvin. The confrontation took a protracted character, so, planning the summer campaign of 1942, the German command decided to seize the most im-portant economic areas in the south of the USSR. The battle for the Caucasus included both the capture of the region's passes and access to the Black Sea. It was precisely such fights that became the catalyst for the emer-gence of special mountain rifle detachments of the Red Army and NKVD troops, which turned the situation in the highlands in our direction. When writing the article, the authors used archival documents from the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation (Podolsk, Moscow Region, Russian Federation), published on the "Memory of the People" portal (pamyat-naroda.ru), as well as the works of foreign, Soviet and Russian researchers.

The article examines the historical types of public self-government of citizens at the place of residence, which developed in the first half of the XX century in our country. In the process of development of territorial self-government, two periods are distinguished: from 1914 to 1921 and from 1921 to 1937. The first of them is characterized by a model of self-organization of residents, which was implemented in house committees and new social movements of workers. The created structures did not deal with policy issues, they were responsible for the problems of regulating the relationship between the owner and the tenant, exploiting tenants' joint prop-erty, assistance to city self-government in the implementation of municipal tasks and, in some periods, the dis-tribution of ration cards among members. The model of residents' self-governance emphasized in the second phase was represented by housing associations and various public committees. They remained in charge of the maintenance and operation of houses with maximum involvement of citizens in the process of control and management of the housing.

This article deals with the research of the ambiguous category of the personal brand of the great Russian clas-sic Leo Tolstoy. It is noted that its resource potential can be used for the regional development of the Crimea; the most significant factors and directions of the influence of the potential of the writer's brand on modern cul-ture are considered. The author pays great attention to the consideration of this figure in the Internet space, while the "Crimean pages" of the writer's creativity and biography take on increasing importance as promising and relevant for the promotion of a personal brand. The author comes to the conclusion that in order to effec-tively use a personal brand, it is necessary to take into account the specifics of the region's audience and mod-ern digital technologies that illuminate the "Crimean pages" of the classic's creativity. Current cultural practices allow us to expand the idea of a particular figure, to use the visualization of this image to form the image of the Crimea in the direction of "L.N. Tolstoy and the Crimea".

In the course of the research the author studied the state of the road network of the Black Sea coast of the Cau-casus, considered the issues of maritime communication in the context of the Russian Company of Navigation and Trade, the Black Sea coastal rowing flotilla, the peculiarities of postal and telegraphic communication with the nearest territories, with the administrative center of the Caucasus – Tiflis and the Kuban – Ekaterinodar. The article concludes that the poor condition, and in some areas the complete absence of communication routes, ensured the logistic isolation of the coast; the south-east was particularly affected. With the absolute superiority of the Turkish fleet on the Black Sea, the problem of poor communications could have negative consequences during the conduct of hostilities, under such conditions, Turkish landing operations posed a special danger.

The article examines the features of the existential personality, the ideological origins of creativity and the spe-cifics of the philosophical style of the French thinker J. Bataille. The features of J. Bataille's paradoxical thinking are shown, the value of which is in the ability to analyze various mental states of a person, in the destruction of standard philosophical structures and the creation of new forms of philosophical understanding of reality. The application of the phenomenological approach made it possible to identify the features of J. Bataille's literary and philosophical style, the inconsistency and complexity of interpreting his texts addressed to existential expe-rience in the act of tragedy, delusions or the search for truth, inseparable from the transgressive state of a per-son. The authors determined that in J. Bataille's work, the specifics of language, vocabulary, and the ability to express the hidden meaning remind of the author himself, of his constant desire to invade the realm of the im-possible. The study of the problem of the mutual influence of the existential personality and J. Bataille's philo-sophical thinking was carried out using a hermeneutic approach. The authors also identified a number of XXth century thinkers, such as M. Foucault, N. Land, J. Derridа, whose works were significantly influenced by Ba-taille's thinking. The novelty of this study is the disclosure of evaluative judgments of the literary style of the French philosopher by modern authors and specialists in the philosophical work of J. Bataille.

The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of soft power in the modern situation of international communication and multicultural interaction. The relevance of this topic is dictated, on the one hand, by the fact that soft power acts as a modern alternative to classical traditional forms of hard power – which gives it a signif-icant advantage of a humanitarian nature, on the other, by the understanding that soft power, unfortunately, is often not an end in itself, but acts only as an element or modification of hard power, i.e. situations when "tough arguments" are exhausted and costly in short-term implementation, and pushing through specific interests can be carried out much more effectively through informational influence on the opponent than by military or eco-nomic means, which is reflected in the famous phraseology: "A honey tongue, a heart of gall". Consequently, the search for a balance between altruism and egoism, as well as often irrational results of collective activity of subjects of international relations actualize the problem of philosophical reflection of forms of interaction and ethical justification of their use, which would lead to the solution of not only the classical problem "violence be-gets violence" ("hate begets hate"), but also the problem when paradoxically "nonviolence also begets vio-lence". In the latter case, we are talking about the use of "soft power" in a unilateral version, when the victory of one pole is achieved by destroying all other alternatives, which in the current international situation is reflected in the crisis of the unipolar system of the world. The methodology of the work is based on the principles and methods of socio-philosophical analysis, the concept of historicism, comparative analysis, which is interdisci-plinary.

In the presented article, the author consistently analyzed the approaches of the key British political parties (Conservative and Labor) in relation to the initiative to expand the EU during the period of the Labor Party's rule (1997–2010). The stages of transformation of British politicians' approaches to this issue were highlighted, the reasons for the change in their position were analyzed, and the consequences that demonstrated the diver-gence of the viewpoint of some political forces with the opinion of the electorate were revealed. Conclusion dwells upon the fact that the change in the political assessment of the EU enlargement by the key British parties became a significant component in the complex of reasons for the defeat of the Labor Party in the 2010 par-liamentary elections, and also contributed to the development and consistent steps of the Conservative Party in the direction of protecting the rights of British citizens as part of European cooperation.

The article represents the first part of the planned work on the historiosophical consideration of domestic de-mocracy. It reflects the methodological issues concerning the definition of this concept, as well as the general specific features of the Russian political genesis, the component of which is the democracy. The authors ad-here to an expanded interpretation of democracy, seeing here as the key criterion the weight of the initiative of the grassroots – in fact, it acts as a basic circumstance, albeit intertwined in some cases with the initiatives of the central government. The three most common forms of democracy are stated: corporate, local government and social movements. Domestic political genesis is characterized by the distancing of the supreme power from grassroots initiatives, which is largely due to a number of objective factors: natural-geographical, geopolit-ical, diffuse and the factor of intra-elite contradictions, which initiates competition in Russian history between two models of political order: polycentric and monocentric.

The article touches upon the issue of three heads of the Kemerovo Regional Department of Labor Reserves: M.G. Brondspitz, N.M. Korenev, P.I. Bushlanov. The major part of the sources used in the preparation of the work are unpublished archival documents: department head's personnel files, kept in the fonds of the Party bodies, staff affairs of one of them, materials of the Regional Council of Labor Deputies and the awarding group of its executive committee. In addition, the author established the main facts of working careers of the department heads, showed the work experience and the level of qualification of each of them by the time of their appointment to this position. Conclusions dwells upon the fact that the Party-Soviet leaders evaluated the activity of one or another head of the department and how it influenced the further labor path of this employee.

The article deals with the problems of modern Russian education as the most important institution for the for-mation of national identity of youth. The relevance is based on the request to reconstruct the education system, which is caused by the change of ideological formats: a complex transition from globalist ideas, values of the European format towards deeply patriotic thinking, Russian socio-cultural identity. The real problems of modern education are investigated, the solution of which lies in the plane of two basic directions: education as a form of national identity and education as the most important system of personality formation. The author analyzes the ways of possible revival of the foundations of humanitarian knowledge among young people and points out the important role of two key concepts in this aspect. It is suggested to rethink the existing professional standard of a teacher, supplementing it with competencies reflecting the needs of modernity and challenges of the time. Conclusion dwells upon the necessity of systemic reforms capable of restoring the national traditional system of education with the priority of the pedagogical aspect, thus reviving the deep national identity of the youth.

The article is devoted to the current topic of relations between the authorities and the elite, namely, an analysis of the process of elaborating by the government of the Russian Empire of ways to respond to the increased petition activity of the nobility after the abolition of serfdom. M.A. Korf, who headed the Second Department of His Imperial Majesty's own chancellery, took part in this activity, as evidenced by his note and its subsequent discussion with government representatives. The novelty of the article is represented by the author's conclusion that the ban on the submission of collective petitions of the nobility about abuses and problems in local and central administration was gradually formalized in government offices several years before its adoption and became an instrument of flexible policy of the authorities in relation to the upper class during the reform period.

The article touches upon the issues of determining the possibilities of periodicals for studying the history of rural settlements on the territory of modern Omsk Region. Based on a frontal analysis of periodical press mate-rials from the pre-revolutionary, Soviet and post-Soviet periods, the authors identify a range of questions, the answers to which can be obtained using newspapers and magazines as a historical source. Particular attention is paid to the problems that a researcher faces when working with periodicals. In the course of the study, the authors come to the conclusion that it is necessary to use periodical press materials as part of the source base to study the process of formation of the rural settlement network of the territory. This will allow us to obtain an objective picture of historical events, take into account the opinions and sentiments of their participants, and introduce rare information into scientific circulation.

The article examines the features of style in the romance art of the Russian composer of the XIX century César Antonovich Cui. The analysis of important key points in the construction of his musical and artistic works is car-ried out. It is emphasized that C. Cui was partly a follower of the realistic trend in Russian music, the founder of which is considered to be A. Dargomyzhsky. The analysis of the form of romances and songs by C. Cui reveals the composer's desire to unite music and lyrics, the meticulous process of creating natural-speech intonations in vocal parts with an obvious attraction to melodic, a song recitative without tendencies to ostentatious and diverting from the natural expression of singing cantilena. The peculiarity of C. Cui's composing style deter-mines the merits of his musical creations, consisting in the beauty of intonation warehouse, elegance, originali-ty and harmony of vocal works.

The article attempts to consider the "digital revolution" in the context of O. Cochin's research and using his method. O. Cochin identifies two approaches to the study of the phenomenon of revolutions – an object-free one based on the thesis of "circumstances" and a subject one introducing the thesis of "small people". Each of the approaches is a source-based filter, creates its own paradigm-theoretical field, thereby predetermining the results of the study. The choice of one or another field is determined by the will of the researcher. An attempt is made to identify two similar approaches, and, as a result, the emergence of two opposite paradigms for the study of the digital revolution with its strategy of "zeroing out" civilization. It is shown that being in the paradig-matic field of the "thesis of circumstances" makes us ignore the subjective factor of history and hides the true subject of the revolution. The paradigmatic space of the thesis of "small people", "inversely oriented" in relation to the big people, is based on the identification of the subjective factor of history and leads researchers to the inevitability of entering the theory of anti-systems of L.N. Gumilev.

The present article touches upon the issue of the history of education in Pacific Russia – the reform of second-ary schools in the 60s of the XIX century, which gave an impetus to the growth of the educational network through the emergence of the first male and female secondary educational institutions in the region. The ap-peal to the historical experience of educational system transformation is determined by the active rethinking of the results of the school reform implemented in modern Russia. In the 1860s, along with the state represented by regional and oblast administrators, the subject of educational policy was the public, represented by mer-chants and other entrepreneurs, Cossacks and urban societies. Private initiatives played a decisive role in the reform of secondary schools, actively contributing to the construction of new educational institutions. In the pro-cess of research, the author identified at least two regional programs that included positions on the develop-ment of secondary education in Pacific Russia. Conclusion dwells upon the fact that the results of the second-ary school reform had a positive impact on the development of the education system in the region, which is confirmed by the factual data revealed in the course of the research.