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After suffering through severe electricity rationing in 2001, Brazilian power planners developed a New Model for the Electric Power Industry. The model eschews typical decentralised wholesale power market designs in favour of a modified single buyer market. Prioritising security of supply, this model seeks to balance state and private sector roles and integrate planning and competitive elements to reduce speculation and volatility in power markets. This article explains how problems with the Brazilian power reforms led to this innovative model and illustrates useful lessons for developing countries searching concrete policy proposals to reform their power sectors.

The collapse of Viet Nam's state-socialist economic institutions in the late 1980s occasioned an almost complete inversion of the socialist principles that had guided health policy under the Communist Party of Viet Nam since the 1950s. Since the early 1990s, however, the Vietnamese state has reasserted its roles in the health sector. These reassertions have been of two major types. Through redistributive reassertions the state has sought to ensure a basic floor of health services for all Vietnamese and bolster its subjective legitimacy, even as public spending on health has remained conspicuously low. Through its accumulative reassertions, the state has transformed 'public' health facilities into sites of economic accumulation, thereby responding to the state's weak extractive capacities and gaining political support from within the public health systems. Overall, the article likens reassertions of the state in Viet Nam's health sector represent a contemporary instance of a Polanyian "double movement," albeit within the context of a market-Leninist regime.

A trend for the public sector to take greater responsibility for public transport outcomes is the focus for this paper, in particular the rise of models with proactive public-sector planning but business provision of services, usually under service contracts. Case studies from several continents are used to explore this trend, including several that are widely hailed as success stories. It is argued that this model represents a reassertion of public sector control and that portraying service contracts in public transport as 'privatisation' misses the point that it marks a defeat for a deregulation agenda. This is clear especially from examples in Latin America and Asia where this model has been replacing approaches with very weak public sector oversight. The paper also highlights that this model has been emerging via a number of different pathways and from a wide range of initial circumstances, including some surprisingly low-income contexts.

In the last two decades, China has experienced significant economic transformations and social changes. The economic reforms started in the late 1970s have unquestionably enabled some social groups to become wealthy but the same processes have also widened the gap between the rich and the poor and intensified regional disparities in China. Most significant of all, embracing the market economy has inevitably challenged the way socialism is practiced in China, especially through the growing prominence of neo-liberal ideas and strategies in reforms, not only in the economic sector but also in public sector management and social policy delivery. After pursuing marketization of public service delivery in the last few decades, a process of re-appraisal has begun, with new thinking evident concerning the role of government in financing and provision of public services. This has been prompted in large part by growing social unrest over the financial burdens experienced in accessing user-pays services in education, health and housing. While market principles and a low level of state investment in public services are now deeply entrenched, the Chinese leadership has called for a new social policy paradigm by reasserting the public in public service delivery. This paper explores current reforms in education and discusses the coping strategies and the policy implications for launching a new public service delivery model in the next few years.

The paper compares healthcare reforms in China, South Korea, Singapore and Thailand with the purpose of drawing useable lessons about the appropriate role of the state in the sector. It argues that healthcare reforms in China and Korea offer many negative lessons for healthcare reformers while Singapore and Thailand offer positive lessons that may be considered for emulation elsewhere. The fundamental lesson to emerge from the successful reform experiences is that a large and active state role in various aspects of healthcare provision and financing is essential for containing expenditures and maintaining access. Public ownership of providers and prospective payments are particularly effective in controlling expenditures while direct government financing promotes equitable access. The cases also show that political economy matters: the Singapore and Thai states' strong presence in the healthcare sector is a vital reason for their superior performance.

AbstractThe last decades of the 20th century witnessed a profound experiment to increase the role of markets in local government service delivery. However, that experiment has failed to deliver adequately on efficiency, equity or voice criteria. This has led to reversals. But this reverse privatization process is not a return to the direct public monopoly delivery model of old. Instead it heralds the emergence of a new balanced position which combines use of markets, deliberation and planning to reach decisions which may be both efficient and more socially optimal.

This article argues that exchange rate regimes established by the Mexican peso currency band and the Argentinean Convertibility Plan were key dimensions of the political strategies of neoliberal structural reform through which discipline was imposed on workers and the state. By subordinating wage struggles and state spending to the maintaining of currency pegs, the stabilisation programmes helped to redefine the balances between capital and labour and the conditions of integration of each country within the global economy. This in turn allows for an understanding of the performance of the managed exchange regimes in each country and the states' divergent economic responses to their exhaustion.

Abstract
During the 1990s, states embraced legalised gambling as a means of supplementing state revenue. But gaming machines (EGMs, pokies, VLTs, Slots) have become increasingly controversial in countries such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand, which experienced unprecedented roll-out of gaming machines in casino and community settings; alongside revenue windfalls for both governments and the gambling industry. Governments have recognised that gambling results in a range of social and economic harms and, similar to tobacco and alcohol, have introduced public policies predicated on harm minimisation. Yet despite these, gaming losses have continued to climb in most jurisdictions, along with concerns about gambling-related harms. The first part of this article discusses an emerging debate in Ontario Canada, that draws parallels between host responsibility in alcohol and gambling venues. In Canada, where government owns and operates the gaming industry, this debate prompts important questions on the role of the state, duty of care and regulation 'in the public interest' and on CSR, host responsibility and consumer protection. This prompts the question: Do governments owe a duty of care to gamblers?
The article then discusses three domains of accumulating research evidence to inform questions raised in the Ontario debate: evidence that visible behavioural indicators can be used with high confidence to identify problem gamblers on-site in venues as they gamble; new systems using player tracking and loyalty data that can provide management with high precision identification of problem gamblers and associated risk (for protective interventions); and research on technological design features of new generation gaming products in interaction with players, that shows how EGM machines can be the site for monitoring/protecting players. We then canvass some leading international jurisdictions on gambling policy CSR and consumer protection.
In light of this new research, we ask whether the risk of legal liability poses a tipping point for more interventionist public policy responses by both the state and industry. This includes a proactive role for the state in re-regulating the gambling industry/products; instituting new forms of gaming machine product control/protection; and reinforcing corporate social responsibility (CSR) and host responsibility obligations on gambling providers – beyond self-regulatory codes. We argue the ground is shifting, there is new evidence to inform public policy and government regulation and there are new pressures on gambling providers and regulators to avail themselves of the new technology – or risk litigation.

The Canadian province of British Columbia has been widely recognized as the North American leader in employing Design, Build, Finance Operate public–private partnerships to create new public infrastructure. Canada is one of the most decentralized federations in the world. Provinces exercise considerable autonomy and have powerful revenue raising power at their disposal. Although Canadian local governments are generally seen as substantially inferior to the two senior levels of government, those in British Columbia have in fact managed to achieve quite a bit of autonomy due to non-constitutional factors. Large infrastructure projects, for which municipalities and other local government agencies must look to the province for financial support are among the most controversial of issues within the provincial–local government relationship. The introduction of public–private partnerships represents a classic example of a political entrepreneur changing the rules of the game to favour their desired outcomes. In this case, a government leader determined to pursue an infrastructure program that the province lacked the capital to support and the re-structuring of the state along New Public Management lines. However, even though the rule change favoured the Premier's immediate goals, and allowed him to over-ride much local objection, it can be argued that in the long run neither local governments nor the province have necessarily gained in power by changing the rules of the game. In keeping with the general tenants of the New Public Management, the introduction of public–private partnerships has given precedence to technocratic forms of knowledge, especially those involved with finance and accounting, with the aim of pursuing public goals in the most "economically efficient" manner possible. The flip side is that democratic input is strictly limited to the initial question as to whether or not a project is desirable, not how it can be best achieved or whether, once underway, it still represents a wise move. As a result, if there are any real winners in terms of autonomy, it has been senior public managers at both the provincial and local level and their financial and accounting advisors. These actors have had the range of issues for which they are accountable markedly simplified when it comes to major infrastructure projects, even as the complexity of such projects are increased by the use of public–private partnerships. Evidence is drawn from government documents, news accounts and interviews conducted by the author with senior managers, politicians and appointed board members of local government organizations (a quasi-governmental agency and a regional municipality's transit authority) as well as a provincial ministry, which acts as a control case. By employing three cases within the same province and the same time-frame, many of the contextual factors that can confound a study of this sort have been held constant for the purpose of comparison.

'Democratisation' and 'good governance' have come to constitute a fundamental aspect of Western interventions in Latin America, Asia, Africa and the former Eastern bloc, particularly in the post-Cold War period. Despite a vast literature on 'democratisation,' there has been a paucity of analysis which interrogates the great-power-defined agendas of democratisation. The naturalism of a particular vision or model of democracy is such that its promotion is rarely questioned or critically interrogated. Yet democracy is an essentially contested concept and universalistic claims around the Western (neo)liberal notion of democracy are being increasingly challenged. The article interrogates therefore the notion(s) of democracy articulated by the dominant social agents associated with the democratisation project, through specific reference to Africa. It contends that an orthodox notion can be identified. The orthodoxy constitutes a (neo)liberal, procedural notion of democracy, a claim substantiated through interrogation of the orthodoxy and the detailing of the extent to which the orthodox notion is informed by (neo)liberal theory and practice. The article concludes that 'democratisation' and 'governance' interventions are to be understood as a current manifestation of the liberal project.

Although gender mainstreaming (GM) has been endorsed officially at the international level since 1995, the efficacy of this strategy is being increasingly questioned. More research is focusing on understanding the progress and impact of various mainstreaming strategies across jurisdictions and in a comparative context. This article contributes to the literature in the GM field by examining the role and experiences of three key sectors in GM advancement and implementation in Canada and Australia: institutional machineries, women's movements and feminist and gender research within academe. Drawing on policy documents, textual materials and interviews with 30 key stakeholders in each country, the investigation illuminates the historic development and current situation of GM. Significantly, the research highlights common challenges and shortcomings of GM in Canada and Australia and in the final analysis, provides suggestions for future mainstreaming strategies.

The goal of this article is to provide a critical evaluation of what has happened to organized labour and labour markets since 1980. It examines the impacts of labour market deregulation on wage share and pay standardization. It also explores how recent economic changes have weakened organized labour and eroded wage setting and social corporatism. The argument is made that contemporary institutional and 'Varieties of Capitalism' perspectives on labour market reform have overstated the power of states, institutions, and organized interests in deflecting global economic pressures. Drawing on a range of recent OECD statistics and qualitative studies, it is claimed that current labour deregulation policies and labour market reforms mark a fundamental break with post-war developments, and represent a reassertion of the power of capital ownership over organized labour and labour markets across North America and Western Europe. It assesses how far this reversal in power has gone by focusing on changes in four key variables: (i) job quality, (ii) wage share, (iii) pay standardization and income equality, and (iv) the effectiveness of wage setting institutions in allowing unions to bring bargaining pressure on capital. This is the first study to report on comparative changes and qualitative reforms to these labour market variables in 13 OECD countries between 1970 and the 25-year period 1980–2005.