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The author discusses some recent changes in the theoretical literature on globalization. He claims that the irreversibility of the globalization process is no longer taken for granted as in the enthusiastic literature on the subject during the 1990's. The globalization is no longer regarded as an untouchable structure, and for over a decade now, we are witnessing an overall questioning of the globalization process itself. Therefore, the author pays special attention to the theoretical works of Justin Rosenberg who claims that the age of globalization is over. For Rosenberg, the globalization was only an ideological construction supported by the so called globalization theory which has failed in all its aspects: as a general social theory, as a historical and sociological argument and as a basis for interpretation of actual events. As opposed to Rosebenrg, the author claims that globalization should be regarded as a 'metapolitical' concept with its semantic and political functions. Using the methodological assumptions of Reinhart Koselleck, the author shows that 'metapolitical' concepts reach their intellectual and political high point by accelerating history and by transcending the actual situation. After their revolutionary peak, they disappear or they change their meaning in order to refer to the 'new reality'. Based on the insights of Hannah Arendt, the author shows that globalization has lost its revolutionary potential, but also that the end of globalization theory would not necessarily follow. Adapted from the source document.

The author discusses some recent changes in the theoretical literature on globalization. He claims that the irreversibility of the globalization process is no longer taken for granted as in the enthusiastic literature on the subject during the 1990's. The globalization is no longer regarded as an untouchable structure, and for over a decade now, we are witnessing an overall questioning of the globalization process itself. Therefore, the author pays special attention to the theoretical works of Justin Rosenberg who claims that the age of globalization is over. For Rosenberg, the globalization was only an ideological construction supported by the so called globalization theory which has failed in all its aspects: as a general social theory, as a historical and sociological argument and as a basis for interpretation of actual events. As opposed to Rosebenrg, the author claims that globalization should be regarded as a 'metapolitical' concept with its semantic and political functions. Using the methodological assumptions of Reinhart Koselleck, the author shows that 'metapolitical' concepts reach their intellectual and political high point by accelerating history and by transcending the actual situation. After their revolutionary peak, they disappear or they change their meaning in order to refer to the 'new reality'. Based on the insights of Hannah Arendt, the author shows that globalization has lost its revolutionary potential, but also that the end of globalization theory would not necessarily follow. Adapted from the source document.

The paper examines the influence of neoclassical economics on the sociological approach to individual & collective behavior. The first part discusses the limitations of the Beckerian "hardcore" rationality model (homo economicus), leading to a dead-end street crowded with blinded economists & misled sociologists, as well as the virtues of the Simonesque "softcore" (or "contextual") rationality model, embracing the necessary sociocultural extensions. The second part of the paper confronts the "contextual," rational choice model with the "homo socioeconomicus" model of "embedded" rationality. Rejecting the "exogenous" (cynical) treatment of various effects of social interaction, displayed through the notion of refraction of rationality, the latter approach offers a more complex view of human motives partially molded by evolutionary (institutional) imperatives. 79 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper examines the influence of neoclassical economics on the sociological approach to individual & collective behavior. The first part discusses the limitations of the Beckerian "hardcore" rationality model (homo economicus), leading to a dead-end street crowded with blinded economists & misled sociologists, as well as the virtues of the Simonesque "softcore" (or "contextual") rationality model, embracing the necessary sociocultural extensions. The second part of the paper confronts the "contextual," rational choice model with the "homo socioeconomicus" model of "embedded" rationality. Rejecting the "exogenous" (cynical) treatment of various effects of social interaction, displayed through the notion of refraction of rationality, the latter approach offers a more complex view of human motives partially molded by evolutionary (institutional) imperatives. 79 References. Adapted from the source document.

Analyzes the importance of charismatic authority in traditional societies, especially during the so-called watershed times. Max Weber was the first sociologist to explore the concept of charisma & charismatic authority within the context of legitimate political authority. Charisma is a quality of a person because of which they are deemed exceptional & due to which their followers consider them possessed of some rare supernatural & superhuman powers or traits. Such a person is thought of as God-given or laudable & is consequently looked up to as a leader. The author points to the link between stigma & charisma in the study by the German sociologist Wolfgang Lipp. Using his insights as the starting point, the author tries to illustrate his thesis by means of Tudman's case. How do stigma & charisma under certain historical circumstances merge in one person, enhancing the final impact on certain historical movements? In every society in watershed periods, when one political paradigm replaces another, when people get confused, stigma & charisma may be the focal points of a new fulcrum, a new identity. Under such circumstances, one must delineate both the outer & the inner boundaries between "these" & "those," "us" & "them." These boundaries (ethnic, confessional, & national) are time & again confirmed through glorifying the leader & ostracizing "the undesirables." In wartime, the emotional component is particularly pronounced. The bulk of the population identifies with the charismatic paragon. In such a context, it is a point of pride to be, for example, a Croat. However, this is only perfunctory, a mere ideology for the ignorant & manipulated populace. Under the surface, however, economic/political battles are raging, struggle for the redistribution of power by means of, among other things, getting rid of the competition by ethnic labeling. When stigma becomes a "lethal weapon" of a political movement, the consequences are unpredictable. Both stigma & charisma not infrequently end up in monstrosities. The events on the territory of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s are an obvious example. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

Analyzes the importance of charismatic authority in traditional societies, especially during the so-called watershed times. Max Weber was the first sociologist to explore the concept of charisma & charismatic authority within the context of legitimate political authority. Charisma is a quality of a person because of which they are deemed exceptional & due to which their followers consider them possessed of some rare supernatural & superhuman powers or traits. Such a person is thought of as God-given or laudable & is consequently looked up to as a leader. The author points to the link between stigma & charisma in the study by the German sociologist Wolfgang Lipp. Using his insights as the starting point, the author tries to illustrate his thesis by means of Tudman's case. How do stigma & charisma under certain historical circumstances merge in one person, enhancing the final impact on certain historical movements? In every society in watershed periods, when one political paradigm replaces another, when people get confused, stigma & charisma may be the focal points of a new fulcrum, a new identity. Under such circumstances, one must delineate both the outer & the inner boundaries between "these" & "those," "us" & "them." These boundaries (ethnic, confessional, & national) are time & again confirmed through glorifying the leader & ostracizing "the undesirables." In wartime, the emotional component is particularly pronounced. The bulk of the population identifies with the charismatic paragon. In such a context, it is a point of pride to be, for example, a Croat. However, this is only perfunctory, a mere ideology for the ignorant & manipulated populace. Under the surface, however, economic/political battles are raging, struggle for the redistribution of power by means of, among other things, getting rid of the competition by ethnic labeling. When stigma becomes a "lethal weapon" of a political movement, the consequences are unpredictable. Both stigma & charisma not infrequently end up in monstrosities. The events on the territory of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s are an obvious example. 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

Tranzicijski put koji je počeo raspadom jugoslavenskog socijalističkog sustava i prijelazom na demokratski sustav, i danas usporava razvoj hrvatskog društva. Za objašnjenje tog makro-sociološkog društvenog procesa koristi se alat analitičke sociologije: kauzalni mehanizam. Kauzalni mehanizam omogućuje plauzibilno objašnjenje makro-sociološkog odnosa pomoću mikro-sociološke dimenzije. Spuštanjem na razinu aktera dobivamo uvid u mehanizme koji su pomogli stvaranju ortačkog kapitalizma. Tako je situacija, u kojoj su se našli članovi HDZ-a nakon uvjerljive pobjede na izborima, gdje su dobili pristup državnim resursima i direktan utjecaj na proces privatizacije, stvorila kod drugih aktera vjerovanje da se članstvom u HDZ-u može profitirati. To vjerovanje otvorilo je prostor za nepotizam i korupciju, jer se suradnja s vladajućima u tom trenutku činila optimalnom (brza materijalna korist). Kada se takav način djelovanja usustavio, dogodila se transformacija u sustav ortačkog kapitalizma. ; The transitional path began with the decomposition of a socialistic system of Yugoslavia and with the transition to a democratic system. That transitional path is still slowing down the development of Croatia. To explain that macro-sociological phenomena we will use the casual mechanism which is used in analytical sociology. Casual mechanism will give us the plausible explanation of macro-sociological relation by observing micro-sociological dimension. Observing the agent enables us to see the mechanisms that helped to create crony capitalism. The situation, where members of HDZ have won the election, and have taken the control of government and its resources, where they have had a big influence on the process of privatization. That situation helped to create the belief that cooperation with HDZ will benefit agents that wanted to participate in the process of privatization. That belief enabled nepotism and corruption, because agents believed that they will benefit from cooperation with HDZ. When such an agency becomes a pattern, ...

The author describes the evolution of philosophical foundations of the mechanical & the organic principle, from Spencer to Whitehead as well as Durkheim's first application of these principles (mechanical & organic solidarity) & their sociological extensions as a form of sociability (L. v. Wiese, Gurvitch). The author gives a detailed review of the application of the mechanical & the organic as a structure of organization in the science of management (Burns, Stalker, & later theoreticians). The mechanical & the organic principles identify the structure of being, society, & organizations from the point of view of the capacities of individuals & their involuntary or voluntary ties. The mechanical & the organic are also the poles between which the structure of an organization varies depending on strategy, size, technology, & environment. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the classical postulate of Hobbes' political theory, starting from the negation of man's social character, with which Hobbes broke from the Aristotelian tradition. The author also shows through Hobbes' theory that the category of fear is a crucial notion in modern political science. During the later development of political thought, however, the category of fear remained outside the main scope of interest of political theory, it was pushed on the margins of theoretical study & was thrown out of the field of politics. The author stresses that power, & the desire for it is Hobbes' political constant, seeing the thesis on power as one Hobbes' most significant politico-sociological or even anthropological theses. It could also be said that in Hobbes' model, fear produces power, namely, that power, to use the contemporary language of psychoanalysis, is a compensation for fear & insecurity. The author also shows that Hobbes built his entire political theory on conclusions which he drew from the analysis of an extreme situation, the situation of civil war, i.e. war of all against all. His doctrine of the natural state is based one the experience of civil war. People want the same things, of which there is not enough to go around, & so they become enemies. The author draws the conclusion that the superior sovereignty of Leviathan came about in the following categorical way: instinct for self-preservation -- fear of violent death -- distrust -- a conflict of all against all -- social contract -- sovereign power of the state of Leviathan. References. Adapted from the source document.

The policy of pressure on Croatia as an illustrative -- although not isolated -- example has not inspired empirical & theoretical studies of this phenomenon. The discussion has remained at the level of everyday political discourse, even "coffee-house politics." Due to its extreme topicality, as well as its theoretical "solvency," the author has attempted with this essay to come up with a theoretical definition of the concept of pressure & to demonstrate on the Croatian example its goals, scope, dynamics, & future prospects & outcomes. Among the existing approaches, the author has chosen the "politico-economic approach" which defines the policy of pressure as a specific form of political communication between the "center" & the "periphery" in Wallerstein's "world system." The example of Croatia serves the author as an ideal-type model of such communication through a combination of political science & sociological analysis. In his opinion, & due to certain favorable contingencies, Croatia is the nearest to the ideal type of such communication. Due to a lack of systematic empirical data, the discussion naturally remains at the theoretical-hypothetical level, & should be understood as an invitation to further discussion & as an incentive for more extensive empirical research. However, since this is a very dynamic phenomenon, the question is: is the author's argumentation still valid today as it was at the time when the essay was written? There have been two changes: (1) the war on Kosovo which proves the author's hypotheses; & (2) a certain "thaw" in the relations between the international community (particularly USA) & Croatia (it is still unclear whether this change concerns the fundamental strategic trends or is solely a "politico-meteorological" phenomenon (the alteration of colder & warmer periods). This is why the author did not deem any alterations in the text necessary; one should wait & in the meantime expose the (hypo)theses to some critical scrutiny. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using a miscellany of multidisciplinary theoretical approaches (primarily sociological definitions of social & urban problems & the political science theory of the urban regime) as his starting point, the author analyzes the attitude of Split's leading politicians to the more recent problems of that city. His analysis is based on the findings of research conducted in Feb-Mar 2002, conducting structured interviews with a sample of 20 prominent local politicians. The results show that the leading Split officials consider the social conditions prevailing in that city to be unfavorable & encumbered with a plethora of hardships, the most prominent among them being rampant unemployment, decay of the city's industry, traffic isolation, socially disadvantaged citizens, & urban devastation. The interviewed politicians mostly think that those & other problems are to a large extent caused by the state of the Croatian society or, better to say, by the key factors of the social context (conversion of ownership, economic & general social crisis, patriotic war, etc) of the independent Croatia. An analysis of the interviews reveals the pronounced political tensions & divisions in Split & shows how they obstruct finding the solutions for the city's problems. The opinions & attitudes of the leading politicians in Split reveal, on the one hand, a considerable propensity toward an elitist, even authoritarian, approach to the resolution of these problems, & on the other, an insufficient willingness for solving the city's problems by means of cooperating with other social actors. 2 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using a miscellany of multidisciplinary theoretical approaches (primarily sociological definitions of social & urban problems & the political science theory of the urban regime) as his starting point, the author analyzes the attitude of Split's leading politicians to the more recent problems of that city. His analysis is based on the findings of research conducted in Feb-Mar 2002, conducting structured interviews with a sample of 20 prominent local politicians. The results show that the leading Split officials consider the social conditions prevailing in that city to be unfavorable & encumbered with a plethora of hardships, the most prominent among them being rampant unemployment, decay of the city's industry, traffic isolation, socially disadvantaged citizens, & urban devastation. The interviewed politicians mostly think that those & other problems are to a large extent caused by the state of the Croatian society or, better to say, by the key factors of the social context (conversion of ownership, economic & general social crisis, patriotic war, etc) of the independent Croatia. An analysis of the interviews reveals the pronounced political tensions & divisions in Split & shows how they obstruct finding the solutions for the city's problems. The opinions & attitudes of the leading politicians in Split reveal, on the one hand, a considerable propensity toward an elitist, even authoritarian, approach to the resolution of these problems, & on the other, an insufficient willingness for solving the city's problems by means of cooperating with other social actors. 2 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Ova doktorska disertacija bavi se glasovanjem, najočitijim oblikom političke participacije građana u modernom demokratskom poretku. Većina istraživanja biračkog ponašanja usmjerena je na proučavanje uzroka glasovanja te na procese oblikovanja stranačkih preferencija (Šiber, 1998b). Međutim, glasovanju možemo pristupiti kao političkoj odluci, a u tom slučaju se javlja pitanje kako tu odluku evaluirati. Potencijalni kriterij za evaluaciju možemo naći u konceptu točnog glasovanja (Lau i Redlawsk, 1997). Ukoliko građanin glasuje za onu stranku kojoj bi dao glas i kada bi bio suočen sa svim relevantnim političkim informacijama, možemo reći da je on točno glasovao. Koristeći kriterij točnog glasovanja možemo evaluirati građansko odlučivanje, ali i kvalitetu demokracije. Ovaj rad ima dva cilja. Kao prvo, zbog niza konceptualnih i operacionalnih nedostataka, on nudi rekonstrukciju koncepta točnog glasovanja. Kroz detaljno povezivanje spoznaja o biračkom ponašanju i pretpostavki modela predstavničke demokracije, uvodi se nova definicija točnog glasovanja, kao onog koji je dan stranci koja je u najvećoj mjeri bliska glasačevim preferencijama. Uz to, problematizira se korisnost ovog koncepta te njegov utjecaj na empirijska istraživanja građanskih kompetencija i na evaluaciju demokratskog poretka. Drugi cilj ovog rada je empirijski – provjeriti koje individualne i situacijske karakteristike doprinose točnom glasovanju. Očekivalo se kako će točnije glasovati sudionici s boljom političkom ekspertizom (visoka politička sofisticiranost i informiranost, visoka motivacija za politiku, više obrazovanje i niža dob), ali i oni koji donose odluke u jednostavnijem okruženju (niže kognitivno opterećenje i lakša politička pitanja). U tu svrhu provedeno je eksperimentalno istraživanje na 210 sudionika koji su sudjelovali u izmišljenoj političkoj kampanji. Tijekom kampanje su prikupljali podatke o strankama i na kraju su glasovali za jednu od njih. Rezultati su pokazali kako točnije glasuju sudionici s višom razinom političke informiranosti, zatim sudionici koji su koristili kompleksnije strategije odlučivanja i sudionici koji su suočeni s nižom razinom kognitivnog opterećenja. Neočekivano, dobiven je i efekt spola – žene točnije glasuju od muškaraca. U radu su ponuđena objašnjenja za nepotvrđene hipoteze i neočekivane rezultate, kao i potencijalna primjena dobivenih rezultata u javnom životu. ; Elections are the main characteristic of modern democracies; as of September 2016., 82 national elections took place this year and almost 650 million people voted. Adult citizens experience elections and participate in voting roughly once every four years. Ever since the empirical research in political science focused on voting behaviour the main focus of inquiry was the understanding of antecedents of vote choice as well as the long-term shaping of political preferences (Šiber, 1998). The vote itself can be conceptualized in many ways, such as a statement of group membership (e.g. Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee, 1954), identification with the party (Campbell et al., 1964), as a choice between parties etc. If we approach the vote from a decision-making perspective, a question comes to mind – can we say what is the quality of that choice? In other words, can we evaluate the process and the outcome of the voting decision? This are rather hard questions which is not adequately addressed by researchers, both theoretically and empirically. In order to answer them, Lau and Redlawsk (1997) put forward the concept of correct voting – a vote that is the same as the one that would be given if a voter had all the relevant information. This doctoral thesis is concerned with that concept. It had two broad goals. First, a critique of the concept was put forward, as well as a conceptual reconstruction of correct voting. The new approach to the concept is more clear and better connected to both citizens' competences and democratic theory. The second goal was to study empirically the antecedents of correct voting. For this goal a laboratory experiment was conducted in which participants (N=210) participated in a mock electoral campaign at the end of which they had to vote. Participants differed in various socio-demographic and political characteristics and within the experiment cognitive load and type of political questions in the campaign were manipulated. Results showed that those participants that had better political knowledge, were exposed to lower cognitive load and used complex strategies of decision. Also, an unexpected result was found – women voted more correctly than men. In order to think about the criteria for evaluating the process of voting, one must first understand the relationship between voters and election within democracy. This requires that one chooses a model of democracy. There is an array of these models, and each one focuses on different aspects of the political regime. For the concept of correct voting the most adequate model is that of representative democracy. In this model, democracy is though about as a political system in which the citizens are sovereign, and a smaller group of representatives execute citizens' will. Representatives are chosen via regular competitive elections, and citizens should choose hose representatives that represent their interest in the best way. Other than choosing a model of democracy, we must choose a theoretical approach for political behaviour. We can identify five approaches (those based on personality, sociological model, socio-psychological model, economic-rational model and cognitive model), and within this research a cognitive approach is taken for studying political behaviour and decision-making. This model focuses on cognitive processes, such as evaluation of political candidates, mental strategies, biases, memory etc. The main idea of the cognitive approach is that all thinking is constrained by both biological aspects of the brain as well as the situational pressures (such as the amount of information). As a consequence, citizens will be prone to using mental shortcuts to simplify the political environment. Lau and Redlawsk's (1997) concept of correct voting could be used as a norm of political decision-making. It focuses on cognitive processes and offers an ideal outcome of political thinking which at the same time has implications for the functioning of representative democracy. If citizens choose their representatives correctly than democracy should function better than if that is not the case. However, there are several issues with this concept - there are two distinct conceptualizations and operationalisations of correct voting; authors focus more on the level of information than on the cognitive processes; their norm has within itself several descriptive aspects etc. This thesis puts forward a definition of correct voting – a correct vote is the one which is given to a representative whose political preferences are in the highest concordance with the voter's. Keeping the cognitive approach in mind, several individual and situational characteristics are identified as having a probable impact on the probability for voting correctly. It is expected that citizens who are more politically sophisticated, informed and motivated, as well as those who are better educated and younger should vote more correctly. Considering situational characteristics, higher cognitive load should lower the probability of voting correctly. Also the content, or type of political information, should have an impact on that probability. Political issues can be divided into easy/symbolic/moral and hard/instrumental/public policy. As the percentage of easy issues within a campaign increases so should the probability of casting a correct vote. In order to test these hypotheses an experiment was conducted in which participants participated in a mock election. They collected information about four parties and in the end voted for one of these. Last part of the thesis offers a discussion about the results, their political implications as well as guidelines for future research.