The purpose of this article is the analysis of security situation in the South Asian region. It is constructed by using the combination of three theories – Regional security complex, Securitization, and New regionalism. The combination of those theories forms the basis for security analysis within the region. Analysis of security threats is constructed by combining postmodern discursive – subjective and objective security perceptions. The article also takes into consideration the globalization's impact on transnational security threats within the region. The security dynamics of South Asian regional security complex are determined by historical, geographical, geopolitical, ethnical and religion related aspects. The basic problem that impedes the development of the region, and determines security dynamics – is conflicts within South Asia. Those conflicts are followed by vast flows of refugees, and tensions among regional countries. South Asia is a standard regional security complex with the bipolar division of power between India and Pakistan. The level of regional security complex is strongly determined by Kashmir'S conflict that gives the key feature for regional transformation to a higher level of regioness - regional society. Obviously the elimination of tensions between those two countries would strengthen the regionalization processes. The possible transition from standard to central regional security complex is also determined by India's ambitions, outward orientation and weakness of Pakistan. In South Asian regional security complex exist traditional model of power balance and an anarchic structure, that means that countries have securitized each other as potential security threats and there are no clear improvements towards cooperation in security sphere (except economic cooperation).[.].
The purpose of this article is the analysis of security situation in the South Asian region. It is constructed by using the combination of three theories – Regional security complex, Securitization, and New regionalism. The combination of those theories forms the basis for security analysis within the region. Analysis of security threats is constructed by combining postmodern discursive – subjective and objective security perceptions. The article also takes into consideration the globalization's impact on transnational security threats within the region. The security dynamics of South Asian regional security complex are determined by historical, geographical, geopolitical, ethnical and religion related aspects. The basic problem that impedes the development of the region, and determines security dynamics – is conflicts within South Asia. Those conflicts are followed by vast flows of refugees, and tensions among regional countries. South Asia is a standard regional security complex with the bipolar division of power between India and Pakistan. The level of regional security complex is strongly determined by Kashmir'S conflict that gives the key feature for regional transformation to a higher level of regioness - regional society. Obviously the elimination of tensions between those two countries would strengthen the regionalization processes. The possible transition from standard to central regional security complex is also determined by India's ambitions, outward orientation and weakness of Pakistan. In South Asian regional security complex exist traditional model of power balance and an anarchic structure, that means that countries have securitized each other as potential security threats and there are no clear improvements towards cooperation in security sphere (except economic cooperation).[.].
This Final Master thesis is designeded to investigate the Western political economy model applicability to change Asian model in its region. During the Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 Korea republic (further South Korea) asked the IMF financial aid and accepted all the conditions and made many reforms in the country. Those reforms were directed into liberalizing the market, open up to foreign investors and to create more attractive foreign direct investment (further FDI) climate in S.Korea. This was about to change theretofore exited Asian political economy model into more liberal Western model. The problem – could IMF reforms help to recover countries' economies more effective and sharply after the crisis? Could those IMF reforms be successfully adjusted into any environment? The object – political-economical indicators of Japan and S.Korea. Objective of investigation – to find out if IMF reforms in S.Korea helped to recover its economy more rapidly and successfully than in Japan, where IMF reforms were not implemented. From objective the hypothesis that after investigation will be confirmed or rejected appear: Hypothesis – IMF improved political-economical indicators in S.Korea more sharply than Japan, where the government did not implemented any IMF reforms. Regarding to the fact that IMF reforms were designeded to implement Western political economy model into Asia country – S.Korea, confirmation of the hypothesis would also prove that Western model could be successfully adapted into other totally diferent environment. Tasks: • To select specific aspects of political economy which could concretize the investigation; • To select specific case for investigation; • To analyse IMF role and reforms during the Asia Financial Crisis; • To compare impact of IMF reforms in S.Korea with Japan's case; • To confirm or reject the hypothesis. The methods of investigation. There are used comparative method, regression analysis with statistical "Gretl" program, correlation, using Microsoft Excel program and diferent sources analysis. The results: before the Asia crisis many indicators of Japan were much better that in S.Korea. After the Asia Financial Crisis when S.Korea's government implemented IMF reforms, the indicators of S.Korea improved much sharply than Japan's and were much better now than in Japan where no IMF reforms were implemented. The findings: the IMF reforms that were implemented into S.Korea after the Asia Financial Crisis successfully and sharply helped country to recover from stagnation. In Japan where Japan's government did not implemented any IMF reforms recovery was much slower. The IMF reforms initiated adaption of Western model in S.Korea and by that the hypothesis was confirmed – Western political economy model can be successfully ajusted into totally diferent environment. For further investigation some recommendations are given: • To analyse the employment rate in S.Korea's local and foreign capital companies. That could help to analyse the impact of IMF reforms on unemployment rate in long term; • To make a survey of foreign companies that made FDI into Japan and S.Korea before and after the crisis. This could help to find out what tangible effect of reforms that were made in Japan and S.Korea after the crisis for the reason to improve the climate for foreign investment was and what are the main weaknesses that remain.
The thesis focus is 'Pakistani foreign policy' in regard to the 'global war on terror'. Pakistan being a frontline state in war on terror always remained in focus of international community. Pakistan with its actions in war on terror failed to fulfill expectations of international community. This led to international allegations on Pakistan regarding its role in war on terror. The allegations were e.g. "Pakistan have double standards in war on terror". The thesis aims are to explore the reasons of dual-face foreign policy of Pakistan, outcomes of such policies and current directions of Pakistani foreign policy in war on terror. In the effort of researching the topic, the research tasks are composed of 'presenting the theory of Realism as being suitable theoretical ground for the study; presentation of the historical context of Pakistani foreign policy pre 9/11; analysis of Pakistani foreign policy combating terrorism after 9/11; analyzing the Pakistan's role creating terrorism in respect of international allegations; and evaluation of Pakistan's current role in global war on terror'. The study is based on the analysis of the scientific literature. The qualitative research methods such as content analysis, comparison method, historical method, descriptive method and media monitoring are mainly used in the thesis. Considering the Pakistan's geographic position, its geo-political problems with neighbors, power balance, regional arm race, security dilemma problem considering these factors the case study was conducted using Realism theoretical perspective. The next chapters were efforts to establish a point where the current position and future directions of Pakistani foreign policy in respect of its war on terror could be explored. Finally, the last part of the thesis constitutes the major conclusions of the research study. The thesis proved that Pakistan remained an active member of international community in war on terror but due to its geographic position was forced to establish dual-face policies in war. The different approach was due to the difference of interests. It was the matter of survival for the Pakistan. December 16, 2014 Peshawar school attacks, changed Pakistani approach towards terrorism. Pakistan current foreign policy is very clear to eliminate the terrorism without exceptions. The use of non-state actors by states became an international norm. The South Asia region might continue to see such events in future but groups like Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and Taliban do not have any soft place in current Pakistani foreign policy. Current Pakistani foreign policy categorizes global war on terror, a war for its own survival.
The thesis focus is 'Pakistani foreign policy' in regard to the 'global war on terror'. Pakistan being a frontline state in war on terror always remained in focus of international community. Pakistan with its actions in war on terror failed to fulfill expectations of international community. This led to international allegations on Pakistan regarding its role in war on terror. The allegations were e.g. "Pakistan have double standards in war on terror". The thesis aims are to explore the reasons of dual-face foreign policy of Pakistan, outcomes of such policies and current directions of Pakistani foreign policy in war on terror. In the effort of researching the topic, the research tasks are composed of 'presenting the theory of Realism as being suitable theoretical ground for the study; presentation of the historical context of Pakistani foreign policy pre 9/11; analysis of Pakistani foreign policy combating terrorism after 9/11; analyzing the Pakistan's role creating terrorism in respect of international allegations; and evaluation of Pakistan's current role in global war on terror'. The study is based on the analysis of the scientific literature. The qualitative research methods such as content analysis, comparison method, historical method, descriptive method and media monitoring are mainly used in the thesis. Considering the Pakistan's geographic position, its geo-political problems with neighbors, power balance, regional arm race, security dilemma problem considering these factors the case study was conducted using Realism theoretical perspective. The next chapters were efforts to establish a point where the current position and future directions of Pakistani foreign policy in respect of its war on terror could be explored. Finally, the last part of the thesis constitutes the major conclusions of the research study. The thesis proved that Pakistan remained an active member of international community in war on terror but due to its geographic position was forced to establish dual-face policies in war. The different approach was due to the difference of interests. It was the matter of survival for the Pakistan. December 16, 2014 Peshawar school attacks, changed Pakistani approach towards terrorism. Pakistan current foreign policy is very clear to eliminate the terrorism without exceptions. The use of non-state actors by states became an international norm. The South Asia region might continue to see such events in future but groups like Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and Taliban do not have any soft place in current Pakistani foreign policy. Current Pakistani foreign policy categorizes global war on terror, a war for its own survival.
The thesis focus is 'Pakistani foreign policy' in regard to the 'global war on terror'. Pakistan being a frontline state in war on terror always remained in focus of international community. Pakistan with its actions in war on terror failed to fulfill expectations of international community. This led to international allegations on Pakistan regarding its role in war on terror. The allegations were e.g. "Pakistan have double standards in war on terror". The thesis aims are to explore the reasons of dual-face foreign policy of Pakistan, outcomes of such policies and current directions of Pakistani foreign policy in war on terror. In the effort of researching the topic, the research tasks are composed of 'presenting the theory of Realism as being suitable theoretical ground for the study; presentation of the historical context of Pakistani foreign policy pre 9/11; analysis of Pakistani foreign policy combating terrorism after 9/11; analyzing the Pakistan's role creating terrorism in respect of international allegations; and evaluation of Pakistan's current role in global war on terror'. The study is based on the analysis of the scientific literature. The qualitative research methods such as content analysis, comparison method, historical method, descriptive method and media monitoring are mainly used in the thesis. Considering the Pakistan's geographic position, its geo-political problems with neighbors, power balance, regional arm race, security dilemma problem considering these factors the case study was conducted using Realism theoretical perspective. The next chapters were efforts to establish a point where the current position and future directions of Pakistani foreign policy in respect of its war on terror could be explored. Finally, the last part of the thesis constitutes the major conclusions of the research study. The thesis proved that Pakistan remained an active member of international community in war on terror but due to its geographic position was forced to establish dual-face policies in war. The different approach was due to the difference of interests. It was the matter of survival for the Pakistan. December 16, 2014 Peshawar school attacks, changed Pakistani approach towards terrorism. Pakistan current foreign policy is very clear to eliminate the terrorism without exceptions. The use of non-state actors by states became an international norm. The South Asia region might continue to see such events in future but groups like Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and Taliban do not have any soft place in current Pakistani foreign policy. Current Pakistani foreign policy categorizes global war on terror, a war for its own survival.
From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.
From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.
From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.
Japan's Maritime Territorial Disputes and Resolution Strategies The South East Asia-Pacific region is often associated with the greatest threat, where large-scale military conflict could arise. The main threat arises from the growing economic power of the People's Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as China) and, in parallel, the processes of remilitarization of Japan. However, the positions of other states also pose a threat to the security of the region: Š. The Korea-South Korea conflict, the territorial disputes between Vietnam and China, and so on. At the heart of the disputes in the region are maritime territorial conflicts, which have arisen in the Asia-Pacific region since the end of the Second World War. The cross-border territorial conflicts in the region are characterized by the fact that the vast majority of them are of a maritime rather than a continental nature.China's growing power is pushing Japan's ruling elite to change the foreign policy they followed in the twentieth century. Focus on economic development, with confidence and on the basis of security guarantees provided by the United States. The country's economic stagnation in recent years has also allowed Japan to pursue a more active and stronger nationalist foreign policy. Japan's main foreign policy issues are related to its territorial conflicts. Japan has territorial disputes with more than one country, they have been going on for more than a decade and are therefore extremely complex and complex and difficult to resolve. This is due to several factors: 1) Japan's territorial conflicts with other countries in the region date back to the 19th century. – 20th century's legacy of imperial expansion which, unlike Germany after World War II, failed to abandon. 2) Growing nationalism in Japan and other societies and politicians in Southeast Asia and the Pacific contributes to the escalation and escalation of territorial conflicts. 3) Complex history of Southeast Asian countries in the 19th - 20th centuries. Lack of historical meeting between the countries of the region. 4) The growth of Chinese power and the pursuit of recovery in the 19th - 20th centuries. lost territories have failed. 5) Maritime territorial specificity compared to continental areas: economic benefits, security and strategic advantage.
Japan's Maritime Territorial Disputes and Resolution Strategies The South East Asia-Pacific region is often associated with the greatest threat, where large-scale military conflict could arise. The main threat arises from the growing economic power of the People's Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as China) and, in parallel, the processes of remilitarization of Japan. However, the positions of other states also pose a threat to the security of the region: Š. The Korea-South Korea conflict, the territorial disputes between Vietnam and China, and so on. At the heart of the disputes in the region are maritime territorial conflicts, which have arisen in the Asia-Pacific region since the end of the Second World War. The cross-border territorial conflicts in the region are characterized by the fact that the vast majority of them are of a maritime rather than a continental nature.China's growing power is pushing Japan's ruling elite to change the foreign policy they followed in the twentieth century. Focus on economic development, with confidence and on the basis of security guarantees provided by the United States. The country's economic stagnation in recent years has also allowed Japan to pursue a more active and stronger nationalist foreign policy. Japan's main foreign policy issues are related to its territorial conflicts. Japan has territorial disputes with more than one country, they have been going on for more than a decade and are therefore extremely complex and complex and difficult to resolve. This is due to several factors: 1) Japan's territorial conflicts with other countries in the region date back to the 19th century. – 20th century's legacy of imperial expansion which, unlike Germany after World War II, failed to abandon. 2) Growing nationalism in Japan and other societies and politicians in Southeast Asia and the Pacific contributes to the escalation and escalation of territorial conflicts. 3) Complex history of Southeast Asian countries in the 19th - 20th centuries. Lack of historical meeting between the countries of the region. 4) The growth of Chinese power and the pursuit of recovery in the 19th - 20th centuries. lost territories have failed. 5) Maritime territorial specificity compared to continental areas: economic benefits, security and strategic advantage.
Japan's Maritime Territorial Disputes and Resolution Strategies The South East Asia-Pacific region is often associated with the greatest threat, where large-scale military conflict could arise. The main threat arises from the growing economic power of the People's Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as China) and, in parallel, the processes of remilitarization of Japan. However, the positions of other states also pose a threat to the security of the region: Š. The Korea-South Korea conflict, the territorial disputes between Vietnam and China, and so on. At the heart of the disputes in the region are maritime territorial conflicts, which have arisen in the Asia-Pacific region since the end of the Second World War. The cross-border territorial conflicts in the region are characterized by the fact that the vast majority of them are of a maritime rather than a continental nature.China's growing power is pushing Japan's ruling elite to change the foreign policy they followed in the twentieth century. Focus on economic development, with confidence and on the basis of security guarantees provided by the United States. The country's economic stagnation in recent years has also allowed Japan to pursue a more active and stronger nationalist foreign policy. Japan's main foreign policy issues are related to its territorial conflicts. Japan has territorial disputes with more than one country, they have been going on for more than a decade and are therefore extremely complex and complex and difficult to resolve. This is due to several factors: 1) Japan's territorial conflicts with other countries in the region date back to the 19th century. – 20th century's legacy of imperial expansion which, unlike Germany after World War II, failed to abandon. 2) Growing nationalism in Japan and other societies and politicians in Southeast Asia and the Pacific contributes to the escalation and escalation of territorial conflicts. 3) Complex history of Southeast Asian countries in the 19th - 20th centuries. Lack of historical meeting between the countries of the region. 4) The growth of Chinese power and the pursuit of recovery in the 19th - 20th centuries. lost territories have failed. 5) Maritime territorial specificity compared to continental areas: economic benefits, security and strategic advantage.
Japan's Maritime Territorial Disputes and Resolution Strategies The South East Asia-Pacific region is often associated with the greatest threat, where large-scale military conflict could arise. The main threat arises from the growing economic power of the People's Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as China) and, in parallel, the processes of remilitarization of Japan. However, the positions of other states also pose a threat to the security of the region: Š. The Korea-South Korea conflict, the territorial disputes between Vietnam and China, and so on. At the heart of the disputes in the region are maritime territorial conflicts, which have arisen in the Asia-Pacific region since the end of the Second World War. The cross-border territorial conflicts in the region are characterized by the fact that the vast majority of them are of a maritime rather than a continental nature.China's growing power is pushing Japan's ruling elite to change the foreign policy they followed in the twentieth century. Focus on economic development, with confidence and on the basis of security guarantees provided by the United States. The country's economic stagnation in recent years has also allowed Japan to pursue a more active and stronger nationalist foreign policy. Japan's main foreign policy issues are related to its territorial conflicts. Japan has territorial disputes with more than one country, they have been going on for more than a decade and are therefore extremely complex and complex and difficult to resolve. This is due to several factors: 1) Japan's territorial conflicts with other countries in the region date back to the 19th century. – 20th century's legacy of imperial expansion which, unlike Germany after World War II, failed to abandon. 2) Growing nationalism in Japan and other societies and politicians in Southeast Asia and the Pacific contributes to the escalation and escalation of territorial conflicts. 3) Complex history of Southeast Asian countries in the 19th - 20th centuries. Lack of historical meeting between the countries of the region. 4) The growth of Chinese power and the pursuit of recovery in the 19th - 20th centuries. lost territories have failed. 5) Maritime territorial specificity compared to continental areas: economic benefits, security and strategic advantage.
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.