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Using more than a decade's worth of fieldwork in South Sudan, Clémence Pinaud here explores the relationship between predatory wealth accumulation, state formation, and a form of racism—extreme ethnic group entitlement—that has the potential to result in genocide. War and Genocide in South Sudan traces the rise of a predatory state during civil war in southern Sudan and its transformation into a violent Dinka ethnocracy after the region's formal independence. That new state, Pinaud argues, waged genocide against non-Dinka civilians in 2013-2017. During a civil war that wrecked the region between 1983 and 2005, the predominantly Dinka Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) practiced ethnically exclusive and predatory wealth accumulation. Its actions fostered extreme group entitlement and profoundly shaped the rebel state. Ethnic group entitlement eventually grew into an ideology of ethnic supremacy. After that war ended, the semi-autonomous state turned into a violent and predatory ethnocracy—a process accelerated by independence in 2011. The rise of exclusionary nationalism, a new security landscape, and inter-ethnic political competition contributed to the start of a new round of civil war in 2013, in which the recently founded state unleashed violence against nearly all non-Dinka ethnic groups. Pinaud investigates three campaigns waged by the South Sudan government in 2013–2017 and concludes they were genocidal—they sought to destroy non-Dinka target groups. She demonstrates how the perpetrators' sense of group entitlement culminated in land-grabs that amounted to a genocidal conquest echoing the imperialist origins of modern genocides. Thanks to generous funding from TOME, the ebook editions of this book are available as Open Access volumes from Cornell Open (cornellopen.org) and other repositories.

The outbreak of violence in South Sudan in December 2013 has enlarged ethnic divides and reversed the development advances the young nation has struggled to achieve since independence; while the continued deadlock in the IGAD-led negotiation process provides little hope of a negotiated peace settlement. A peacebuilding strategy that takes into account the context-specific circumstances of this intra-state conflict enhances the opportunity for peace and development in South Sudan, and provides the international community an opportunity to contribute to peace in a meaningful way. Limited capacity, deep and persistent ethnic divisions, corruption and a long memory of brutality within the civilian population complicate prospects for peace in the country. An examination of recent peacebuilding efforts in South Sudan reveals a fragmented and provisional approach. Using the framework of Ali and Matthews, this paper outlines a peacebuilding strategy for South Sudan that addresses root causes, consequences and legacies of the conflict, while taking into consideration the unique country specific circumstances. Recognizing the need to move from negative to positive peace, this paper prioritizes security and political arrangements as essential prerequisites for success in economic development and justice and reconciliation. The role of the international community, regional/sub-regional organizations and global civil society.

Using more than a decade's worth of fieldwork in South Sudan, Clémence Pinaud here explores the relationship between predatory wealth accumulation, state formation, and a form of racism—extreme ethnic group entitlement—that has the potential to result in genocide. War and Genocide in South Sudan traces the rise of a predatory state during civil war in southern Sudan and its transformation into a violent Dinka ethnocracy after the region's formal independence. That new state, Pinaud argues, waged genocide against non-Dinka civilians in 2013-2017. During a civil war that wrecked the region between 1983 and 2005, the predominantly Dinka Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) practiced ethnically exclusive and predatory wealth accumulation. Its actions fostered extreme group entitlement and profoundly shaped the rebel state. Ethnic group entitlement eventually grew into an ideology of ethnic supremacy. After that war ended, the semi-autonomous state turned into a violent and predatory ethnocracy—a process accelerated by independence in 2011. The rise of exclusionary nationalism, a new security landscape, and inter-ethnic political competition contributed to the start of a new round of civil war in 2013, in which the recently founded state unleashed violence against nearly all non-Dinka ethnic groups. Pinaud investigates three campaigns waged by the South Sudan government in 2013–2017 and concludes they were genocidal—they sought to destroy non-Dinka target groups. She demonstrates how the perpetrators' sense of group entitlement culminated in land-grabs that amounted to a genocidal conquest echoing the imperialist origins of modern genocides.

This chapter analyses ethno-communal conflicts in Sudan and South Sudan, which gained independence in 2011. In these two countries, ethno-communal rivalries have primarily manifested in three different types of violent conflicts: communal conflicts, rebel-rebel fighting and civil wars. The study consist of three core parts. First, the chapter provides some empirical information about center-periphery relations (in both Sudan and South Sudan elites in the center enjoys outmost political and economic power while other regions are severely marginalized) and the major violent conflicts in the two countries. Second, the chapter focuses on ethno-communal conflicts in Sudan's westernmost region, Darfur. This section illustrates that an intricate web of ethno-communal conflicts exist in Darfur. It also emphasizes the importance of land and examines the government's role in these different conflicts. Third, the chapter studies the civil war that has devastated South Sudan since December 2013. It shows that legacies from Sudan's North-South war (particularly the Sudanese government's strategy of divide-and-rule) are important for how the war in South Sudan has manifested. ; Conflicts, Connections, Complexities: Towards a Multi-layered Understanding of Civil War

This study pragmatically examines the root cause of the crisis that erupted in South Sudan and how a once the euphoria of the public was betrayed by the tragic vision of its politicians. The study explains at least three major dichotomies that oppose each other and have an important role to play in escalating the ethnic rivalries and confrontations in the region. These are: a) heterogeneous opposing ethnic groups of the state, b) the regional actors, and, c) the international actors with particular emphasis the Western countries who were the midwives of South Sudan for one hand, and the Chinese whom engaged Sudan's conventional resources since its exploration and exploitation for the other. The study argues that the political disagreement between the president, Salva Kiir  from the largest ethnic group, the Dinka, and his rival, former vice president Riek Machar from Nuer, who makes up the second most populous ethnic group in the region, has both ethnic and political roots. The study regards the politics of consensus and compromise with the grassroots engagement and the regional conflict resolution mechanism, the IGAD, not only as a way forward, but also as a lasting solution to the crisis that may polarize to the other parts of the region.Â

Doing business 2020 is the 17th in a series of annual studies investigating the regulations that enhance business activity and those that constrain it. Doing business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 190 economies - from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe - and over time. Regulations affecting 12 areas of the life of a business are covered: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting minority investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts, resolving insolvency, employing workers, and contracting with the government. The employing workers and contracting with the government indicator sets are not included in this year's ranking on the ease of doing business. Data in doing business 2020 are current as of May 1, 2019. The indicators are used to analyze economic outcomes and identify what reforms of business regulation have worked, where, and why. This economy profile presents indicators for South Sudan; for 2020, South Sudan ranks 185.

Since its independence in 2011, the South Sudanese President Salva Kiir Mayardit (Salva Kiir) has been striving for reconciliation with various ethnic, tribal, armed groups and communities in the country. As part of his efforts for the country's political stability, he has pardoned several leaders who even led rebellions against the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) – the political organisation that brought independence for the country. In the process, the factional leaders also got incorporated into the Kiir government or his armed forces. Unfortunately, these rebel leaders brought their own armed forces with them in the political and military compositions of the country, which in turn, posed a great challenge to the government in the form of downsizing, reforming and "right-sizing" the increasingly bloated political and defense sector. In 2013, President Kiir made major changes in his government to downsize and address governance concerns because of perceived threat to his government and pressure from international donors to crack down corruption. He replaced two state governors and dismissed two senior cabinet ministers on corruption charges and conducted a major cabinet reshuffle, with removal of Vice President Riek Machar and his entire group of ministers. The President also dismissed the ruling party secretary-general Pagan Amum, who had been publicly critical of the dismissals and Rebecca Garang, the widow of the late SPLA (Sudan People's Liberation Army) leader, John Garang.

United States Institute for Peace, International Network for Economics and Conflict ; In a March speech to the National Legislative Assembly, the Minister of Finance and Economic Planning for the Republic of South Sudan, Kosti Manibe Ngai, declared that "…The Ministry of Finance will be signing contracts with two commercial banks in the coming months so that revenues can be paid directly into the banking system, not to government officials." The statement appearing as item 16 of 32 points in his speech failed to convey the severity of the banking situation in South Sudan where the financial sector is small and underdeveloped and the only recourse available to the government to manage its finances is the use of officials to hold and disburse funds. According to a 2011 report issued by the Congressional Research Service, an estimated 1% of the population actually has bank accounts. While oil dominates the economic discussion between Sudan and South Sudan, equally critical to the South is the development of a banking infrastructure.

Report commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs ; This report provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state of South Sudan. A main argument is that its political economy is fundamentally atypical: achieving independence in 2011 and dissolving into renewed civil war in 2013, South Sudan is suffering the crisis of a weak, neo-patrimonial guerrilla government, with fragmented military-political systems that stretch across its extensive borderlands. This report locates the current crisis within a longer and deeper context, and explores the power dynamics and centrifugal destructive forces that drive patterns of extractive, violent governance. These forces underpin today's economic and state collapse, civil war, famine, the flight of its people, and their local tactics of survival. ; Report commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs ; publishedVersion

This essay studies the manipulation of food aid to South Sudan, and its interplay with US politics: the US is the major donor of relief aid to Sudan, and at the same time it appears as one of Khartoum's major opponents on the international scene. This essay argues that humanitarian aid, and especially food aid, is not a substitute for political action, but that it has become the main channel of the US's Sudan policy for the past ten years. Torn between its conflicting economic, political, geo-strategic, and moral imperatives, the US has had to adopt a difficult strategy: supporting the rebels, but not openly, and not enough to enable them to win the war. In this situation, humanitarian aid, with its reputation of neutrality and its moral appeal concealing a fundamental vulnerability to all sorts of manipulation, is a very efficient tool. Food aid is especially useful: it directly counteracts Khartoum's strategy (starving the South into submission) and directly helps the rebel movement and army in a number of ways (bringing them resources, as well as domestic and international legitimacy). Food aid also has the crucial advantage of fitting perfectly into western prejudices about Africa – a starving continent dependent on the West – so that no one thinks about questioning the underlying motives of US relief aid to Sudan.

Throughout Sudan's, and later South Sudan's history, education has been used by successive governments to shape an official national identity and to promulgate an accepted concept of citizenship. One way education systems do this is through formal curricula, which aim to inculcate particular values and skills into the student body. This paper explores how the concept of "civicness" appears across the subject areas of History, Geography, and Citizenship in South Sudan's national curriculum, launched in September 2015 by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. The paper first reviews a range of interpretations of the concept of "civicness," grounding the argument in the work of Paul Dekker (2009) who sees civicness as values or behaviours such as tolerance, respect, and social concern. After a short historical overview of education in Sudan and South Sudan, the paper then goes on to analyse the curriculum and finds evidence that both civic values and skills inform the proposed learning outcomes and student competencies. In the subject area of Citizenship, course content such as Human Rights, Conflict Resolution, Community Work, and Environmental Conservation, clearly articulate commitment to civic values. In other subject areas, the commitment to civicness appears in the projected skills and values transmitted to the learner, such as 'critical thinking,' 'teamwork,' 'appreciation,' 'cooperation,' and 'tolerance.'

Since early 2012, the World Bank's High Frequency South Sudan Survey has collected a panel data set to monitor the welfare and perceptions of citizens in a selected number of state capitals in South Sudan. This note presents the findings of all six rounds of the survey on the topics of (1) Security, (2) Economic Conditions, (3) Assets and Consumption, and (4) Access to Services. The results are based on 143 households in Juba, Wau and Rumbek revisited six times. The analysis is restricted to households present in all rounds and, thus, is not statistically representative but only provides a descriptive narrative of the livelihood of the selected urban households in Juba, Rumbek and Wau. These cities are not among the cities most affected by the conflict.

This paper aims at examining the economic impact of Southern Sudan secession on the economy of both the North and the South, especially its impact on certain economic indicators which include: the exchange rate; government revenue; external debt; and balance of payment; and GDP and per capita income. In addition, the proposed policies to mitigate the negative impact which may take place as a result will be assessed critically.The results indicate that the economy of the North has been badly affected by the Southern Sudan secession. Hence, the value of the Sudanese Pound against the dollar has deteriorated drastically, while the balance of payment deficit has even widened, and at the same time inflation rates rise steadily to around 28%. In contrast, per capita income has increased, but this was due mainly to the reduction in number of population that took place as a result of Southern Sudan secession. Alternatively, public debt still remains high at 38 billion dollar, with the two parties yet to reach to an agreement over debt apportionment issue.

The primary goal of this study was to identify possibilities for a common ground for reconciliation and restoring law and order through internally driven post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) in South Sudan to prevent the recurrence of violent conflict and to attain peace, socio-economic and sustainable development. The existing literature about PCRD is mainly written by authors, policymakers and scholars who mostly support externally driven interventions and operations of ready-made 'solutions' to complex problems in war-torn countries without exploring internally driven approval to solve these conflicts. It is because of the failure of these externally driven approaches and the absence of a common goal for reconciliation that this study has been conceived to explore alternative approaches for reconciliation and post-conflict settlement to restore responsible law and order, build resilient good governance and to build legitimate state institutions in South Sudan. To better understand in-conflict and post-conflict societies and their needs, the study uses a qualitative methodology approach through explorative and interpretative mechanisms to purposely put together face-to-face interviews of people's opinions on the current civil conflict in South Sudan. The findings indicate that for peace to be restored there is a need for an internally national dialogue and reconciliation and external actors must support locally driven initiation to enable lasting peace to prevail in South Sudan. The research uses cosmopolitan conflict transformation resolution (CCTR) to demonstrate perspective and knowledge of the South Sudanese on peace-building to provide an alternative contribution to efficient intervention in the South Sudan conflict. Without peace there cannot be effective lasting development and without development, it is almost impossible to establish lasting peace. Hence, the study views PCRD more as a sustainable development intervention through an internally driven approach than a market-biased political process to prevent relapse of violent conflict in South Sudan. ; Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Management and Commerce, 2019

The 2015 Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan provides quite ambitiously and laudably for the creation of the Hybrid Court for South Sudan under the auspices of the African Union. The article is an extract from the author's 2016 LL.M. dissertation submitted to the University of Pretoria. It critically examines the salient features of the proposed court with the aim of testing the court's ability to effectively address historical grievances and injustices in South Sudan. In so doing, the article draws lessons from similar mechanisms in Africa and beyond. It also interrogates the role of the African Union and South Sudan in operationalising this court. It reveals strengths as well as weaknesses in the proposed design of the court as well as in the ability of the African Union and South Sudan to fulfil their obligations. Despite these weaknesses, the article argues that by harnessing the strengths identified and learning from lessons from across the continent, the African Union (AU) and South Sudan can overcome the anticipated challenges and operationalise a hybrid court which will effectively deliver sustainable justice to the victims of international crimes committed during the South Sudan civil war.