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National identifications, cues from political actors, and cost-benefit calculations have been pointed as the main determinants of secession preferences. However, a recent surge in independence support in Scotland suggests that abrupt political changes may also affect these preferences: Brexit and the differentiated management of the Covid-19 pandemic by the UK and the Scottish governments are named as causes of the first independence sustained majority registered by polling in Scotland. In this article, I discuss how voting shocks may affect the levels of support for independence, revise the evidence that sustains these claims, and analyse how they have changed the profile of the pro-independence voter. The effect of these questions has substantial implications for a possible second independence referendum in Scotland, as well as for the broader debate on the sources of secession support.

The global spread of the coronavirus pandemic has prompted inevitable comparisons with the flu pandemic of 1918-1920. However, in order for such comparisons to be fruitful, it is necessary to acknowledge the similarities between the two outbreaks and their differences. This paper compares different aspects of the "Spanish" flu and coronavirus pandemics in Ireland and the UK during the two periods. The first part of the paper provides a general overview, taking account of the nature of the two diseases and the contexts in which they occurred. The following two sections explore the extent to which both outbreaks exposed underlying social and economic inequalities and the measures taken by central and local government, as well as civil society, to combat the spread of disease. The final section examines the extent to which both pandemics highlighted existing failures and sparked demands to "build back better."

This paper seeks to better understand the pandemic by looking at the long term (longue
durée). It is first recalled that the progressive construction of a horizon of eradication of infectious diseases led the population of rich countries to consider that the great epidemics no longer represented a real danger. A sanitary disarmament of our societies followed. However, the scientific response, its strength and speed, which made it possible to propose a vaccine in less than a year, constituted a real breakthrough, making it possible to envisage a control of the epidemic in these northern countries within a short time. In the
face of this breakthrough, however, we can observe a strong permanence of the reactions of populations and societies (incredulity, construction of rumours, instrumentalization by all social and political actors). Finally, after about a century and a half of existence, the parenthesis of freedom of movement during epidemics has closed in the face of COVID-19. The article insists on the importance of the quality of alerts in the control of epidemics since the 14th century and questions the effectiveness of the WHO in this field if a large
country does not respect the obligation of immediate declaration. It also questions the entry of humanity in a new pandemic era as a consequence of the demographic growth and the unprecedented scale of exchanges.

In African Agrarian Societies greeting and leave-taking rituals are an essential part of the communication processes that constitute these societies as collective entities. Through elaborate forms of greeting and leave-taking people initiate and end communication and interaction processes within a framework of collective identities and cultures. Intricate greeting rituals allow to deal with all forms of encounters, with living people as well as with the spirits of the deceased. Greeting rituals are acquired through lengthy periods of learning. Their mastery is the sign of being an adult and competent member of society. External actors from different cultures often seem to be unaware of the subtleties of these greeting rituals. They ignore them at a cost. This essay provides some insights into the inner workings of African societies concerning the framing of most of their internal and external communication processes that are as vital for their lifeworlds as they are for their interaction with external actors from different spheres. Analysing the societies in a comprehensive manner as self-organising entities within an ethnic matrix clearly shows the limits of reducing greeting rituals to mere speech acts between individuals and proves that some of the fundamental assumptions of modern communication theories are not valid for African Agrarian Societies.

Im Mittelpunkt des Beitrags steht die Frage, wie es der Gewerkschaft ver.di in Nordrhein-Westfalen seit 2012 gelungen ist, Beschäftigte im Wach- und Sicherheitsgewerbe zu mobilisieren und zu organisieren. In Folge einer strategischen Neuorientierung der Gewerkschafts- und Tarifpolitik konnten damit in einer Branche, die traditionell als besonders anfällig für niedrige Löhne und prekäre Arbeitsbedingungen gilt, über mehrere Jahre tarifliche Lohnerhöhungen durchgesetzt werden, die teils deutlich über der durchschnittlichen Entwicklung der Löhne in anderen Wirtschaftsbereichen lagen. Der Beitrag knüpft an den derzeit wieder auflebenden Diskurs um gewerkschaftliche Erneuerung und die Bedeutung von Machtressourcen an und zielt darauf ab, wesentliche Elemente erfolgreicher Gewerkschafts- und Tarifpolitik im Niedriglohnbereich herauszuarbeiten. Wir nehmen dabei Bezug auf Lévesque und Murray (2013), die mit einem subjektorientierten Ansatz nicht nur zu einem akteurszentrierten Verständnis von Machtressourcen beigetragen, sondern bestimmte Fähigkeiten in den Blick genommen haben, mit denen die handelnden Akteure Machtressourcen überhaupt erst (nachhaltig) aktivieren können. Im Ergebnis ist es der Gewerkschaft ver.di in NRW gelungen, mit innovativen Beteiligungs- und Vernetzungsformen sowie der Entwicklung von wirkungsvollen Narrativen unter den Beschäftigten ein neues Selbstverständnis zu wecken, dass kollektive Gegenwehr und die Durchsetzung überdurchschnittlich hoher Tarifabschlüsse selbst in einer fragmentierten Branche möglich sind.

Although an increasing number of studies emphasise migrants' lack of knowledge about their childcare rights as a crucial barrier to their childcare usage, almost none examines the conditions under which migrant families acquire this knowledge. This study contributes to the literature by exploring potential individual factors determining migrant families' knowledge about their childcare rights in Germany. I use unique data collected through the project Migrants' Welfare State Attitudes (MIFARE), in which nine different migrant groups in Germany were surveyed about their relation to the welfare state, including childcare. Analysing a total sample of 623 migrants living with children in their household and by using logistic regression analyses, I find that human and social capital play significant roles in explaining migrants' knowledge about their childcare rights. Migrants who speak the host language sufficiently are more likely to know about their childcare rights; however, it does not matter whether migrants are lower or higher educated. Moreover, I observe that migrants benefit from their co-ethnic relations only if childcare usage is high among their ethnic group. Based on these results, policy recommendations are discussed in order to increase migrants' knowledge about their childcare rights in Germany.

Politik- und Geschichtsdidaktik interpretierten in der Vergangenheit unterschiedlich, wie weit ihre Gemeinsamkeiten reichen. Die mit den Fachdidaktiken verbundenen Schulfächer setzen sich mit politischen Ereignissen auseinander. Deshalb wird die Entwicklung des Verhältnisses beider Fachdidaktiken vor dem Hintergrund eines alltäglichen und eines wissenschaftlichen Verständnisses von Politik dargestellt.
In einem ersten Schritt wird der Weg einer aktuell wieder populären politischen Bildung als Prinzip aller Unterrichtsfächer beschrieben und bewertet. Der zweite Schritt betrachtet die Entstehung unterschiedlicher Ansprüche der Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik im Umfeld der 1960er und 1970er Jahre vor dem Hintergrund der Etablierung eigenständiger Fächer an den Universitäten. Im dritten Schritt wird die nachfolgende Phase des Nebeneinanders beider Fachdidaktiken zwischen Hegemonie über und Abgrenzung zum jeweils anderen beschrieben.
Abschließend wird gezeigt, dass die aktuelle Kompetenzorientierung die Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede klar aufzeigt und deshalb das Verhältnis ohne Hegemonieansprüche neu bestimmt werden kann. Zwischen Politik- und Geschichtsdidaktik gibt es hinsichtlich der Denkoperationen sowie der Forschungsmethoden viele Gemeinsamkeiten. Die Gegenstände für Forschung und Theorie sind hingegen unterschiedlich.

Immer noch gibt es in der deutschen Fußballbundesliga der Herren keinen einzigen aktiven als homosexuell geouteten Fußballspieler. Kampf, Männlichkeit und Leistung - Attribute, die scheinbar nicht zu einem schwulen Athleten passen, aber mit dem Fußball seit jeher assoziiert sind. Im Sport herrscht die Norm der Zweigeschlechtlichkeit vor, im Fußball dominiert einzig die Norm der Heterosexualität. Mit der Initiative #ihrkönntaufunszählen macht die Zeitschrift 11 Freunde darauf aufmerksam - und stellt diese Norm scheinbar infrage. In diesem Beitrag wird die darauf bezogene mediale Diskussion anhand einer qualitativen Fallstudie ausgewählter Printmedien untersucht. Denn Sport und Medien sind eng miteinander verknüpft. Es zeigt sich eine begrenzte Berichterstattung: Die heterosexuelle Perspektive bestimmt auch diese Debatte, die gesellschaftswirkliche Verhandlung von Homosexualität im Fußball wird auf die Zukunft verlagert.

This paper aims to highlight the position of meat reduction in what EU consumers think "eating a healthy and sustainable diet" involves and who has a role to play in achieving food system change. The data are based on the Eurobarometer 93.2 survey (mid 2020). The participants were asked to make their own selections out of a variety of food-related items and actors, linked to meat ("Eating meat less often") and other aspects of diets ("Eating more fruit and vegetables"). Their responses were analyzed separately in two EU regions: Northwest Europe - consisting of the 10 richest EU countries with the highest scores on economic and social sustainable development indicators - and the East and the South. Three principal components of dietary thinking were distinguished, relating to 1) nutrition issues, 2) easy "light green" issues and 3) more demanding "deeper green" issues, respectively. The analysis also distinguished three types of actors in the value chain (food chain actors, supporting actors, and governmental actors). In Northwestern Europe, a majority of consumers saw a role for themselves in making the food system more sustainable and a large minority saw meat reduction as part of a healthy and sustainable diet. Both responses were much less common in the East and South. In the Northwest, meat reduction was relatively strongly related to "deeper green" thinking but also weakly to nutrition-focused thinking, whereas the opposite was found in the East and South. However, meat reduction had no prominent position in their considerations. For policy-makers, therefore, it is crucial that both nutrition and environment can be motivating factors for consumers to consider meat reduction, albeit to different degrees.

Objective: we explore migrant-native differentials in the uptake of formal and informal childcare and whether this is induced by lower demand for childcare versus differential access to (in)formal childcare compared to natives. Background: The rise in female labour market participation in recent decades has challenged parents to negotiate work and family responsibilities and organise childcare. Belgium is among the European countries with the highest availability of formal childcare, but maternal employment and uptake of childcare are substantially lower in migrant populations. Methods: Combining linked microdata from the 1991 and 2001 censuses with contextual data on childcare availability at the municipality level, we use multinomial logit models to study childcare use and type of childcare arrangement among parents having a young child in 2001. As access to childcare and maternal employment are mutually endogenous, we use estimated employment opportunities. Results: We find considerable migrant-native differentials in childcare use, as well as substantial differences between first and second generation migrants. Second generation mothers of Turkish, Moroccan and Eastern-European background are less likely than natives to use childcare, and more likely to rely on informal arrangements if childcare is used. Controlling for socio-demographic characteristics and differential availability of (in)formal childcare largely accounts for differences in childcare use, but Turkish and Moroccan women remain less likely to use care and first generation Turkish mothers remain more likely to use informal care as opposed to formal childcare. Conclusions: While differences in socio-demographic characteristics, labour market opportunities and availability of (in)formal care provide a partial explanation, partial migrant-native differentials in childcare use persist for specific groups, suggesting that other factors inhibit the uptake of formal childcare.

Healthy Life Years (HLY) is a prominent summary indicator for evaluating and comparing the levels of population health status across Europe. Variations in HLY, however, do not necessarily reflect underlying differences in health and mortality levels among countries and the indicator is particularly sensitive when broken down by subpopulations. For instance, despite European countries showing large HLY inequalities by educational level, these countries are also heterogenous regarding their population composition by educational attainment, which most likely affects their HLY levels. We demonstrate how this compositional effect shapes HLY levels by providing estimates for HLY by educational attainment and gender for 16 European countries using the Sullivan method. We use prevalence data about limitations in daily activities from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) and mortality data from the Eurostat database. Finally, we adjust for compositional effects by means of standardization. The education-adjusted HLY estimates do not differ much from conventional HLY. Yet, we find that in some countries HLY levels are indeed affected by the population composition by educational attainment. For example, low-, medium-, and high educated individuals in Portugal show more HLY than their counterparts in Poland. Still, Poland's total HLY value slightly exceeds that of Portugal, indicating favorable health and mortality conditions in Poland. It is Poland's lower relative number of low educated individuals in its population that is responsible for producing this higher total HLY value. We conclude that differentials in HLY due to differences in the relative size of educational subpopulations are generally small in HLY across Europe but they can play an important role for countries that experienced large differences in their educational expansion.

Hochschulen sind eine zentrale Institution zur (Re-)Produktion und Legitimation sozialer Ungleichheiten. Auf Ebene der Studierenden wurden und werden klassenspezifische Ungleichheiten eingehend beforscht, die Wissenschaftskarriere aber ist nur rudimentär untersucht worden. Die verfügbaren Studien deuten indes auf eine Unterrepräsentation von aus niedrigen sozialen Klassen stammenden Wissenschaftler:innen hin und fokussieren die Erklärung der Reproduktion dieser Ungleichheiten. Demgegenüber bezieht sich dieser Beitrag auf einen zentralen Mechanismus sozialer Aufstiegsmobilität. Basierend auf einer vergleichenden Analyse von 27 autobiographisch-narrativen Interviews mit deutschen Universitätsprofessor:innen der Rechts- und Erziehungswissenschaften unterschiedlicher Klassenherkunft wird unter Rückgriff auf Theorien des sozialen Selbst dargestellt, dass die sozialen Beziehungen und Interaktionen mit Anderen höherer Sozialklassen die Selbstbilder und die damit verbundenen biographischen Schemata der sozialen Aufsteiger:innen modifizieren. Dabei kommt den von autoritativen Anderen kommunizierten Erwartungen aufgrund der ihnen zugeschriebenen Sachautorität eine besondere Relevanz zu. Der Aufsatz leistet einen Beitrag zur sozialen Mobilitätsforschung, indem er einen wesentlichen Mechanismus sozialer Aufwärtsmobilität im akademischen Bereich beleuchtet.

This article analyses the effects of minimum wage on employment in the Czech and Slovak Republics based on 2005–17 EU-SILC data. Our results contribute to the scant literature on minimum wage effects in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) region. While prior empirical findings concurred with the effects of minimum wage on labour market outcomes in CEE countries when the minimum wage is relatively high, there is ambiguity when the minimum wage is relatively low. In Slovakia we find that regular minimum wage hikes had insignificant effects on employment. Similarly, we find no negative employment consequences from irregular hikes in the comparatively low minimum wage (MW) of the Czech Republic. Moreover, the groups assumed to be most affected by MW hikes did not experience greater negative consequences following hikes when compared to the overall population of workers in either country.

This study aims to investigate how test scores from PIAAC (Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies) can be interpreted, by comparing the PIAAC competencies literacy and numeracy to reasoning and perceptual speed. Dimensionality analyses supported, that the PIAAC competencies can be separated into a common factor overlapping with reasoning and perceptual speed, and domain-specific factors. For the common and specific factors, relations to other variables were analyzed. The nested factor for PIAAC literacy was as expected unrelated to age, positively related to learning opportunities during one's lifetime, and positively related to literacy skill use. The nested factor for PIAAC numeracy was also as expected unrelated to age, against expectation unrelated to learning opportunities during one's lifetime, and as expected positively related to numeracy skill use. Results support the validity of the intended test score interpretation for PIAAC literacy, while results for PIAAC numeracy were less clear.

The official domestic ideas for solving the problem of poverty primarily moving within the frame of a work-based society. In our hypothesize that in an average economic period would be needed a different viewpoint among people who are able for work and are motivated. It is an eternal truth that people with lower education have to work more to make a living. Therefore, they often do not have time to develop themselves and to build and maintain supportive relationships that would keep them within society in the event of an existential difficulty. Thus, if they lose their jobs, they easily drift to the margins of society, become homeless, fall victim, or be criminalized. We therefore agree with that the housing problem is solved by housing and not work. However the solution to self-development and the building of retaining, supportive social relations is the leisure time that is not available to the strata who are forced to overwork in order to ensure a livelihood. We therefore consider it is necessary to provide those kind of programs for vulnerable groups that makes this free time available, by providing them some additional support. Our study examines the question, through analyzing a pilot program, of what kind of framework and which role of using basic income guarantee in a program aim to handle the poverty can be.