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Uporabnost etnoloskih raziskav pri snovanju urbanih vsebin na zelenih povrsinah v Mariboru
In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 47-65
ISSN: 1581-5374
Parks, avenues, squares, open spaces & other green areas are established spatial categories & something that can always be seen in all urban centers, also in Maribor. Different ways of life are reflected in green areas because it is about the public spaces for socializing, recreation & relaxation. These are the spaces offered by the city to its residents for the very activities mentioned before. And since ethnology primarily deals with a way of life by which the contemporary & past forms & contents of the social & cultural life are characterized, the ethnological aspect of dealing with the green areas is specific & of key importance to an overall understanding of them. Both differences & similarities between the City Park & the Slomsek Square (ie., between the two different types of green areas in the City of Maribor) are telling their part of the story of the city in the same relevant way. Adapted from the source document.
Separacija in revrzibilnost: Agamben o podobi
In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 143-159
ISSN: 0353-4510
Giorgio Agamben's thoughts on the image seem to occupy a minor role in his work, confined to occasional essays and remarks. In fact, I argue, his thoughts on the image offer the key to grasping the fundamental political and philosophical coordinates of Agamben's work as a whole. The image is the site at which Agamben probes the dual operations of separation, by which the state and capital remove life into a neutral space of circulation and equivalency, and the contrary effect of reversibility, in which the separated image is redeemed for a new politics. This inscribes the image into a fundamentally ambivalent space -- at once the site of "danger" and "saving". Contrary to a pessimistic reading of Agamben's work, I argue that his work on the deactivation of the image suggests possible strategies for a new politics that would return the political to common use. Adapted from the source document.
Demokracija kot filozofski koncept
In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 165-176
ISSN: 0353-4510
The present article proceeds from Badiou's metapolitical understanding of democracy as a philosophical concept. Since according to Badiou the philosophical grasping of democracy depends on its meeting the criteria of politics as the truth procedure and on its succeeding in subtracting itself from the logic of representation (the state of situation or the State), we subsequently concentrate on Badiou's theory of the State. Simultaneously, we expose Badiou's later interpretation of communism, which he, contrary to his previous theory of communism as the destruction of representation, understands as the practice of subtraction from it. In conclusion, we stress that democracy and communism in Badiou's comprehension overlap in the subtracted space from the realm of representation (the State) as the practice of production of the same, which is possible only under the egalitarian prescription. Adapted from the source document.
Lokalna geodetska sluzba
In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 489-525
ISSN: 1581-5374
The local geodetic service systematically provides information that is relevant to the implementation of the strategic policies of the sustainable development & rational management of space, municipality environment & wider local communities. It is also important as a public service for supplying data to the professional & interested public in their further work, as well as for providing information at the state level & within the framework of the European integrations. The paper explains why the institute of the local geodetic service differs in individual local communities. The central part of the paper deals with some additional possibilities of using the services from the area of the local geodetic service. These services can essentially contribute to better political decisions of local communities in making strategically relevant decisions. Adapted from the source document.
Analiza zmagovitih kampanj v mestnih obcinah na lokalnih volitvah leta 2006
In: Lex localis: revija za lokalno samoupravo ; journal of local self-government ; Zeitschrift für lokale Selbstverwaltung, Band 6, Heft 3
ISSN: 1581-5374
The study of electoral campaigns is nowadays one of the very topical & popular themes in the field of the scientific-research work. Electoral campaigns can be defined in several ways & from several points of view. In this paper, a campaign is understood as a set of diverse activities performed to influence the electoral result. These activities can be studied according to the political-system, time-space, organizational & instrumental dimensions of their performance. The key purpose of the paper is to analyze & typologize the features of electoral campaigns of today's urban municipality mayors in Slovenia during their standing as candidates in local elections in 2006. By using various methodological & statistical approaches & tools, it was found out in the analyzed cases that electoral campaigns were an important part of the electoral process & that, according to planning features & implementing plans, they were very specific in all the studied municipalities. Because of this, the campaigns in the studied elections were characterized as particular & highly localized. Despite these particularities, four different types of campaigns were highlighted according to the groups of similar features: a) traditional campaigns; b) charismatic candidate campaigns; c) modern local campaigns & d) an intense campaign mosaic. Regardless of the particularities of the campaign activities & processes, it turned out that they played an important role at the local level of political activity. Adapted from the source document.
Uresničevanje volilne pravice na volišču ; Exercise Of The Right To Vote At Polling Station
Demokracija je sistem, je paradigma, ki se je brez volitev in udeležbe volivcev, že zaradi njene izvorne filozofske in družbene ideje ne da vzpostaviti in uresničiti. Ni je mogoče in tudi smelo se je ne bi vpeljati kot družbeni red kar tako, samo po sebi, kot še eno avtoritarno možnost z dejanjem avtoritarnega posameznika ali ozke skupine. Če je vzpostavljena, pa je v njenem temeljnem izhodišču, ki sloni na doslednem spoštovanju človekovih pravic, svoboščin in pravičnosti, niti ni mogoče v celoti uresničiti. Kot družbenopolitična pojavna oblika se namreč kaže kot sistem posredne ali neposredne vladavine njenega izvornega nosilca. Neposredna prihaja v konflikt z njeno dejansko uporabnostjo za vsa področja moderno strukturirane družbe, posredna se globoko in neizogibno oddaljuje od njenega bistva in smisla. Kljub temu so demokratične volitve še vedno temeljni, družbenosistemski element in pogoj za vzpostavitev demokratične družbe, zato se od tako vzpostavljenega sistema kot celote utemeljeno pričakuje, da bo volivcem in kandidatom v polni meri omogočil uresničiti njihovo ustavno in mednarodnopravno uveljavljeno volilno upravičenje in poslanstvo, druge upravičeno vpletene subjekte pa v skladu z demokratičnimi volilnimi standardi zadolžil za njihovo demokratično izvedbo, kontrolo in nadzor. Ker uresničevanje volilne pravice na volišču kot klasična oblika volitev s prihodom volivcev v »volilno urejen prostor ali stavbo« in oddajo papirnatih glasovnic v volilno skrinjo počasi, a zanesljivo izgublja svojo družbeno in politično funkcijo kot temeljni pogoj za njeno izvrševanje, je temeljna hipoteza predstavljene naloge zastavljala vprašanje, ali je tradicionalno volišče kot prostor in pravna kategorija uresničevanja ustavnega načela ljudske suverenosti in demokratične oblasti (še vedno) ustrezno zakonsko regulirano in ali zaradi novih načinov in tehnologij glasovanja ta njegova vloga postaja ustavno sporna. ; Democracy is a system, a paradigm which, due to its philosophical and social idea, cannot be established and realised without elections and voters' participation. It cannot and should not be introduced as a social system just like that, spontaneously, as another authoritarian option carried out by an authoritarian individual or a select group. However, when it is established, it cannot be fully realised in its fundamental starting point based on a consistent regard for human rights, freedoms and justice. As a socio-political phenomenon it appears as a system of direct or indirect reign of its original holder. It is directly in immediate conflict with its virtual practicability in all spheres of a modern structured society and indirectly it deeply and inevitably deviates from its essence and meaning. Nevertheless, democratic elections are still a fundamental social system element and a condition for the establishment of a democratic society. Therefore it is reasonable to expect from the established system as a whole to enable the voters and candidates to fully realize their constitutional and internationally established electoral entitlement and mission and to make it possible for the other legitimately involved subjects to be charged with their democratic implementation, control and supervision in accordance with democratic electoral standards. Since the exercise of voting rights at the polling station as a classic form of elections with the arrival of voters in an "electoral space or building" and the delivery of paper ballots in the electoral box slowly but doubtless loses its social and political function as a fundamental condition for its implementation, the fundamental hypothesis of the presented task raised the question whether the traditional polling place as a space and the legal category of the implementation of the constitutional principle of the people's sovereignty and democratic authority are (still) suitably legally regulated, or this role is becoming constitutionally controversial due to new methods and technologies of voting.
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3. nacionalna konferenca o varnosti v lokalnih skupnostih: Varnost v lokalnih skupnostih – izsledki raziskovanja zaznav varnosti v Sloveniji ; 3rd national conference on local safety and security: Safety and security in local communities – results of research on safety perceptions in Slovenia
Zbornik povzetkov predstavlja recenzirane prispevke, ki so bili predstavljeni na tretji nacionalni konferenci Varnost v lokalnih skupnostih v Novem mestu v novembru 2017. Glavna tema konference povzema glavne ugotovitve raziskave Varnost v lokalnih skupnostih, ki je bila opravljena v 24 slovenskih krajih spomladi 2017 v okviru raziskovalnega projekta Varnost v lokalnih skupnostih. Glavni cilj prispevkov je predlaganje uporabnih rešitev za bolj učinkovito zagotavljanje varnosti v lokalnih skupnostih (manjših, srednjih in večjih občinah) v Sloveniji. Prispevki v zborniku se osredotočajo na različne vidike varnosti v lokalnih skupnostih in sicer zaznavanje varnosti in virov ogrožanja v lokalnih skupnostih (zaznavanje kriminalitete, virov ogrožanja, varnosti v urbanih soseskah, prisotnosti policije in socialne kohezije) ; pričakovanja, uspešnost in učinkovitost zagotavljanja varnosti (zaznavanje in uspešnost policijskega dela v skupnosti, zaznavanje nalog vojske, migracij in občutek ogroženosti uporabnikov kibernetskega prostora) ter prakse zagotavljanja varnosti v lokalnih skupnostih (pooblastila občin, dobre prakse reševanja konkretnih varnostnih problemov na območju Policijske uprave Novo mesto in Murska Sobota in zaznavanje zagotavljanja varnosti v lokalnih skupnostih skozi različne deležnike). ; The conference proceedings present peer reviewed papers presented at the third national conference on local safety and security in Slovenia in November 2017. A lead topic of the conference summarizes results of research on safety perceptions, which was done in 24 local communities in the spring in 2017. The main aim of the papers is proposing solutions for more efficient assurance of safety/security in local communities (smaller, middle and larger municipalities) in Slovenia. The papers in the proceedings discuss various aspects of safety and security in local communities, such as perception of safety/security and risks in local communities (perception of crime, sources of threats, safety in urban areas, police presence, and social cohesion) ; expectations and effectiveness of ensuring safety and security (perception and effectiveness of community policing, perception of the tasks of armed forces, migration, and perception of threats in cyber space) ; and practices of ensuring safety and security in local communities (legal regulation of municipalities, good practices of solving safety issues in the area of Police directorate Novo mesto and Murska Sobota, and perception of ensuring local safety and security through the perspective of different stakeholders).
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Peter Klepec: from a (Local) Hero to a (National) Allegory of Weakness ; Peter Klepec: od (lokalnega) junaka do (nacionalne) prispodobe šibkosti
The narrative hero Peter Klepec is known (and laid claim to) by the inhabitants of the Čabranka-Osilnica valley, the border area on the Croatian and Slovenian side of the border. There circulate a number of quite similar stories about him, in which a frail illegitimate child Peter becomes a strong man, whose supernatural powers help the needy and drive the enemies from these regions. This paper shows the changing role and diversity of interpretations of myth in time and space using the example of folk and literary hero Peter Klepec. It focuses on the historical changes in the perception of Peter Klepec: namely, on his (local) function at the time of the Hapsburg imperial policy, the process of his nationalisation and dilemmas that arose following the division of the Čabranka-Osilnica area, i.e., the originating area of the creation of the legend of the two countries (Croatia and Slovenia). It shows that Klepec was due to different historical circumstances and (interpretive) discourse used for different purposes. First, he served as a symbol of strength and survival in the Čabranka-Osilnica valley, and then as the Hapsburg myth that justified the existence of the monarchy facing the hostile Ottomans, and lastly as an allegory of a servile Slovene, who is always just a faithful bondsman to other masters (first under the Austro-Hungarians and then the European Union). ; Pripovednega junaka Petra Klepca poznajo (in si ga lastijo?) prebivalci Čabransko- osilniške doline, torej obmejnega območja na hrvaški in slovenski strani meje. O njem kroži več med seboj precej podobnih zgodb, v katerih šibek nezakonski otrok Peter postane silak, ki s svojo nadnaravno močjo pomaga pomoči potrebnim in iz krajev odganja sovražnike. Prispevek na primeru ljudskega in literarnega junaka Petra Klepca prikaže spreminjajočo se vlogo in različnost interpretacij mita v času in prostoru. Osredotoča se na zgodovinske spremembe v dojemanju Petra Klepca: na njegovo (lokalno) funkcijo v času imperialne politike Habsburžanov, na proces njegove nacionalizacije in dileme, ki so se pojavile ob delitvi Čabransko-osilniškega območja t.j. izvirnega območja nastanka legend med dve državi (Slovenijo in Hrvaško). Pokaže, da se je zaradi različnih zgodovinskih okoliščin in (interpretativnih) diskurzov Klepca uporabljalo v različne namene. Najprej je služil kot simbol moči in preživetja v Čabransko-osilniški dolini, nato kot habsburški mit, ki je opravičeval obstoj monarhije nasproti osmanskemu sovražniku in slednjič kot prispodoba hlapčevskega Slovenca, ki je vedno le vdan podložnik drugim gospodarjem (najprej Avstro-ogrski, nato Evropski uniji).
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Deliberativnost komuniciranja: spoštljivost v spletnih forumih RTV Slovenija ; Deliberation in communication: respect in online forums of RTV Slovenia
Spoštljivost v komuniciranju je eden izmed ključnih elementov deliberativnosti in predpogoj za razvoj kakovostne razprave. Še posebej zanimivo je raziskovanje le-te v interaktivnih komunikacijskih prostorih na internetu, kot so spletni forumi. Pripisuje se jim namreč velik potencial za razvoj kritičnih, racionalnih in argumentativnih razprav. Vendar pa je v raziskovanju pojma spoštljivosti prisotne veliko konceptualne in empirične nejasnosti, neskladnosti in problematičnosti. Analize pogovorov v spletnih forumih med drugim kažejo, da udeležencem ne uspe zagotoviti medsebojne spoštljivosti. Osrednji namen magistrskega dela je proučiti komunikacijski vidik spoštljivosti v razpravah, s poudarkom na pogovorih v spletnih forumih. Glavna predpostavka je, da je kljub potencialom spletnih forumov za razvoj deliberativnih razprav in posledično medsebojne spoštljivosti v teh prostorih stopnja spoštljivosti (še vedno) nizka. To tezo preverjam skozi teoretske razprave in v metodološkem delu s kvalitativno vsebinsko analizo debate v spletnem forumu Pred domačim pragom (ki spada pod forume RTV Slovenija), kjer uporabniki foruma razpravljajo o političnih strankah Republike Slovenije, ki bodo sodelovale v parlamentarnih volitvah junija 2018. Analiza kaže nizko stopnjo spoštljivosti in visoko stopnjo uporabe nespoštljivih izjav v razpravi, kar potrjuje mojo predpostavko in med drugim odpira različne predloge za nadaljnje raziskovanje. ; Respect in communication is one of the key elements of good deliberation and a prerequisite for developing a quality debate. It is particularly interesting to explore this phenomenon in interactive communication spaces on the Internet, such as online forums, to which great potential for the development of critical, rational and argumentative debate has been ascribed. However, there are many conceptual and empirical ambiguities, inconsistencies and problems in researching the notion of respect. Analyses of conversations in online forums show, among other things, that participants fail to achieve mutual respect. The main purpose of master's thesis is to study the communication aspect of respect in discussions, with emphasis on conversations in online forums. The main premise is that despite the potential of online forums to develop deliberative discussions and, consequently, mutual respect, the degree of respect is (still) low. I am ewxamining this assumption through theoretical discussions and, in methodological work, through a qualitative content analysis of the debate in one of the online forums of RTV Slovenia, where the users of the forum discuss the political parties of the Republic of Slovenia, that will take part in the June parliamentary elections. The analysis shows a low degree of respect and a high degree of use of disrespectful statements in the debate, which confirms my assumption and, among other things, opens up various ideas for further research.
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Primerjalna analiza programov Zveze društev slepih in slabovidnih Slovenije in Zveze društev gluhih in naglušnih Slovenije ; Comparative Analysis of the Programmes of the Union of the Blind and Partially Sighted of Slovenia and the Slovenian Association of the Deaf and Hard of Hearing
Magistrska naloga obravnava pomen neprofitnih organizacij pri izboljšanju kvalitete življenja slepih in slabovidnih ter gluhih in naglušnih. S pomočjo različnih definicij sem umestila neprofitne organizacije v družbeni prostor, predstavila njihov izvor in pomen. Slepi in slabovidni ter gluhi in naglušni se lahko vključujejo v družbo in na trg dela, vendar pri tem zaradi svoje oviranosti potrebujejo pomoč. Posebej sem se osredotočila na dve neprofitni organizaciji, in sicer na Zvezo društev slepih in slabovidnih Slovenije ter Zvezo društev gluhih in naglušnih Slovenije. Obravnavala in opredelila sem programe, ki jih izvajata organizaciji v javnem interesu. V nadaljevanju empirični del vsebuje primerjavo programov med organizacijama. Pri tem sem si zastavila dve raziskovalni vprašanji. Pri prvem vprašanju sem ugotavljala ''Kakšne so podobnosti in razlike med programi?'' Odgovor na to vprašanje sem izoblikovala na osnovi analize vsebine programov. V drugem raziskovalnem vprašanju sem ugotavljala kako storitve, ki jih imajo programi vplivajo na kakovost življenja slepih in slabovidnih ter gluhih in naglušnih. Odgovor na to vprašanje sem pridobila z intervjuji. Zaslediti je kar nekaj skupnih značilnosti med programi, vendar so tudi razlike. Obe organizaciji imata specifične programe glede na prilagojenost ciljnim skupinam. S pomočjo intervjujev z uporabniki programov sem ugotovila, da programi pomembno vplivajo na izboljšanje kvalitete življenja omenjenih ranljivih skupin. V zaključnem delu sem na podlagi analize vsebine programov in izkušenj uporabnikov oblikovala priporočila. ; This master's thesis deals with the importance of non-profit organizations in improving the quality of life of blind and partially sighted people, the deaf and hearing sighted people. Here, non-profit organizations were put into social spaces through various definitions and I will also present the origin and significance of the non-profit sector. The blind and the partially sighted, the deaf and hearing sighted can be involved in society and the labour market, but require help due to their disabilities. I specifically focused on two non-profit organizations, namely, the Union of the Blind and Partially Sighted of Slovenia and the Union of the Deaf and Hearing Sighted of Slovenia. I discussed and defined the programmes, which are implemented by organizations in the public interest. The following master's thesis contains a comparison of the programmes between the organizations. I developed two research questions. The first was defined as, ''What are the common characteristics and differences between the programmes in the organizations?''. I developed the answer to this question based on an analysis of the programme content. For the second research question, I determined how the services and the programs influence the quality of life of the blind and partially sighted, the deaf and the hearing sighted. I came to my conclusions through a number of interviews. There are quite a few common features to follow but there are also certain differences. Both organizations have specific programmes with regards to adjustments in such vulnerable groups. Through interviews with the programme users, the empirical part shows that such programmes influence the improvement of the quality of life of these vulnerable groups. In conclusion, I also made recommendations based on an analysis of the content of the programmes and user experiences.
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Ustavnopravni vidiki načela samoodločbe naroda: preko Slovenije do Katalonije ; Constitutional aspects of the principle of self-determination of the nation: via Slovenia to Catalonia
Po načelu samoodločbe imajo ljudstva pravico do suverenosti, ki je razdeljena na notranjo in zunanjo samoodločbo. Notranja samoodločba se kaže v pravici do kulturnega, socialnega in ekonomskega razvoja, medtem ko se zunanja najbolj kaže v pravici do oblikovanja svoje države in do nastopanja v mednarodnopravnem prostoru kot suveren subjekt. Teorijo je v mednarodnih dokumentih po koncu druge svetovne vojne začela razvijati OZN, ki je notranjo samoodločbo priznala vsem ljudstvom, medtem ko je zunanjo omejila na kolonialna ljudstva in pri njihovi definiciji ubrala zelo ozko razlago. Druga polovica 20. stoletja je posledično prinesla nastanek ogromnega števila novih držav, zlasti na afriškem in azijskem kontinentu. Več ali manj se vse centralne vlade soočajo z obstojem skupine ali skupin ljudi, ki imajo drugačne kulturne, jezikovne in socialne značilnosti. Pristop vsake centralne vlade do teh skupin ljudi je različen, vendar je v zadnjih stotih letih možno opaziti, da imajo več posluha za njihove potrebe in priznavanja različnih oblik samoupravljanja. Centralne vlade z njimi sprejemajo mednarodne sporazume, ki se zapišejo v ustavo. Teorija pozna dva različna modela, ki skušata pojasniti sanacijsko pravico do samoodločbe, to je zunajpravne pravice do odcepitve, ki naj bi popravila nepravično stanje. Naloga vzame pod drobnogled sanacijsko pravico do odcepitve avtorja Allena Buchanana. Buchanan namreč priznava pravico ljudstvom, ki so grobo zatirani s strani države, odcepitev pa bi predstavljala sanacijo. Katalonija je že več stoletij del Kraljevine Španije. Po španski ustavi ima status avtonomne regije, na podlagi katere ima določene specifične pravice. Kataloncem je po mednarodnem pravu skoraj nemogoče priznati pravico do zunanje samoodločbe, čemur tudi ni naklonjena španska ustava. Nemiri v zadnjem desetletju nakazujejo, da v Španiji nekaj ni v redu, zato je treba morebitno rešitev poiskati v teorijah, kot je sanacijska pravica do samoodločbe. ; According to the principle of self-determination, peoples have the right to sovereignty, which is divided into internal and external self-determination. Internal self-determination is manifested in the right to cultural, social and economic development, while external self- determination is most evident in the right to form one's country and to act as a sovereign entity in the international legal space. The theory was developed in international documents after the end of World War II by the UN, which recognized internal self-determination for all peoples while restricting external ones to colonial peoples and defining a very narrow interpretation in their definition. The second half of the 20th century, in turn, brought about the emergence of a huge number of new countries, especially in the African and Asian continents. More or less all central governments are confronted with the existence of a group or groups of people with different cultural, linguistic and social characteristics. The approach of each central government to these groups of people is different, but over the last hundred years, it can be observed that they have more of an ear for their needs and for recognizing different forms of self-government. Central governments sign international agreements with them and adopt them into constitution. Theory knows two different constructs that seek to explain the remedial right to self-determination, that is, the unlawful right to secession, which is to remedy an unjust state. The task under scrutiny takes the remedial right to secede Allen Buchanan. Buchanan recognizes the right of people who are severely oppressed by the state, and secession would mean a remedial action. Catalonia has been part of the Kingdom of Spain for centuries. Under the Spanish Constitution, it has the status of an autonomous region, on the basis of which it has specific rights. It is almost impossible for Catalans to recognize the right to external self-determination under international law, which is not favored by the Spanish Constitution. The unrest of the last decade suggests that something is not right in Spain, so any solution must be sought in theories such as the remedial right to self-determination.
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Reševanje konfliktov med učenci s pomočjo vrstniške mediacije ; Conflict solving among pupils with the help of peer mediation
Konflikti so del našega vsakdana, so nujni in neizogibni. V literaturi najdemo različne definicije samega konflikta. Iršič (2010) konflikt pojmuje kot stanje nasprotujočih si teženj v nekem sistemu, tako v posamezniku, kot med osebami znotraj določene skupnosti oziroma prostora, ali med skupinami, ki so del večje skupnosti ali delujejo na področju, kjer se križajo interesi. Kljub negativnemu prizvoku pa ima konflikt tudi številne pozitivne učinke. Medtem, ko so posledice nerazrešenih konfliktov večinoma negativne. Poznamo več vrst konfliktov. Medosebni oziroma interpersonalni konflikti so sestavni del vsake šole in se pojavljajo med vsemi udeleženci v šoli. Ljudje se na konflikte različno odzivamo, prav tako jih na različne načine razrešujemo. V novejši literaturi najdemo tri postopke reševanja konfliktov. Cohen (2012) govori o pogajanju, mediaciji in arbitraži. V sami diplomski nalogi nas je podrobneje zanimala mediacija oziroma vrstniška mediacija, ki je v zborniku Kazen v šoli (2010) opisana kot proces, v katerem sta udeležena vsaj dva učenca/dijaka, med katerima je prišlo do nesoglasja, konflikta, spora. Oba morata biti pripravljena nastalo situacijo razrešiti na miren, strpen, produktiven način, ki lahko pripelje do konkretne, prostovoljne in dogovorno dosežene rešitve. Pri tem jima pomaga tretji, nevtralni vrstnik, ki z različnimi tehnikami, veščinami in znanji učencema/dijakoma v konfliktu pomaga pri razlagi različnih pogledov, izražanju želja in potreb, da bi poiskala najboljšo med možnimi rešitvami. Nevtralni osebi, ki sodeluje v procesu mediacije rečemo mediator. Čeprav vrstniška mediacija temelji na tem, da vrstniki sami razrešujejo medsebojne konflikte, sta še vedno potrebna podpora in nadzor odrasle osebe, v tem primeru koordinatorja. Zanimalo nas je, kako vrstniška mediacija deluje v praksi na izbranih osnovnih šolah ter kako učinkovita je kot strategija reševanja konfliktov med učenci. S pomočjo analize intervjujev smo predstavili pozitivne učinke vrstniške mediacije ter njeno uporabnost in učinkovitost na izbranih osnovnih šolah skozi oči vrstniških mediatorjev. ; Conflicts are a part of our daily routine, necessary and inevitable. Literature states different definitions of conflict. Iršič (2010) regards conflict as a state of contradictory views in a system, in an individual, as well as among people inside a certain community or space, or among groups, which are part of a larger society or work on different fields with cross interests. Despite the hint of negativity, conflict has several beneficial effects. However, the consequences of unsolved conflicts remain negative. Several forms of conflicts are known – mutual or interpersonal conflicts are a basic part of every school and emerge among all attendees. People react differently to conflicts, as well as their solutions. In recent literature three possibilities of conflict solution are mentioned. Cohen (2012) talks about negotiation, mediation and arbitrage. The main focus of our thesis is mediation or peer mediation, described in miscellany Punishment in school (2010) as a process in which at least two pupils, having a conflict, dispute or difference, participate. Both have agreed on solving the situation on a calm, tolerant and productive way, which can lead to a concrete, voluntary and consensus solution. A third, neutral peer, with different techniques, skills and knowledge, helps the pupils in dispute by interpreting different perspectives and expressing wishes or needs, in order to find the best possible solution. A neutral person, involved in the process of mediation is called a mediator. Although peer mediation is based on teenagers solving mutual conflicts on their own, a support of an adult is still needed – in this case a coordinator. Our interest was how peer mediation works in practice on chosen primary schools and how effective it is as a strategy of teenage conflict solving. With interview analysis the positive effects of peer mediation and its applicability and efficacy were presented on chosen primary schools through the perspective of a peer mediator.
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Konstituiranje funkcije predsednika republike v bivših socialističnih državah ; Constituting the function of the President of the Republic in former socialist countries
Doktorska disertacija analizira konstituiranje funkcije predsednika republike v bivših socialističnih državah. Podrobneje je analiziran ustavni položaj predsednika republike Estonije, Latvije, Litve, Poljske, Češke, Slovaške, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Madžarske, Romunije ter Bolgarije, torej v enajstih državah članicah Evropske unije. Gre za ureditve, ki so funkcijo predsednika republike kot individualnega šefa države uvedle v devetdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja. Preučevane države so se ob konstituiranju funkcije predsednika republike in umestitvi njegovega položaja zgledovale po etabliranih pravnih sistemih. Pri tem je ob upoštevanju lastnih zgodovinskih, kulturnih in političnih razlogov prelitje posameznih ustavnih institutov privedlo do vzpostavitve svojevrstnega institucionalnega (ne)ravnovesja, kar odločilno vpliva na razmerje med vlado, parlamentom in predsednikom republike ter posledično na samo delovanje državne oblasti. V nekaterih ureditvah so bile sprva prisotne tendence po uvedbi sistema z močnejšim položajem šefa države, povzetim po predsedniškem oziroma polpredsedniškem sistemu, vendar je večina teh držav skozi ustavni razvoj in stabilizacijo političnega prostora postopoma omejila predsednikove pristojnosti. Drugače je v tistih ureditvah, kjer je ustavodajalec predsedniku že ob konstituiranju funkcije podelil predvsem reprezentativne pristojnosti, zgledujoč se po sistemih z nadvlado parlamenta, in tako onemogočil, da bi lahko predsednik, skladno s svojo nevtralno vlogo, ustrezno razreševal »krizne situacije« povezane z blokado oblasti, do katere lahko pride zaradi konfliktov med parlamentom in vlado. Danes se v analiziranih ustavnih ureditvah prepletajo številni elementi, značilni za različne politične sisteme, ki determinirajo (specifičen) položaj šefa države. Položaj predsednika republike, zlasti obseg njegovih pristojnosti in iz tega izhajajoča razmerja do zakonodajnih in izvršilnih organov, pa je hkrati tudi eno izmed temeljnih meril klasične klasifikacije političnih sistemov. Na predsednikov položaj poleg pristojnosti, ki jih izvršuje (predvsem na zakonodajnem in izvršilnem področju), vpliva tudi način njegove izvolitve. V primerjavi s tradicionalnimi zahodnimi sistemi v večini obravnavanih bivših socialističnih držav način izvolitve predsednika republike ni v neposredni korelaciji z obsegom njegovih formalno določenih pristojnosti. Na podlagi opravljene primerjalnopravne analize je mogoče ugotoviti, da ima predsednik republike v slovenski ureditvi (kjer mu je ustavodajalec z neposrednimi volitvami okrepil legitimnost, na drugi strani pa mu hkrati določil šibke, predvsem reprezentativne pristojnosti) najšibkejši položaj izmed obravnavanih enajstih bivših socialističnih držav. ; This doctoral dissertation deals with the constituting i.e. formation of the function of the President of the Republic in former socialist countries. It analyses in greater detail the constitutional role of the President of the Republic of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Croatia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, i.e. eleven Member States of the European Union. These states put in place the office of President of the Republic as the individual Head of State in the 1990s. In the process of the formation of the function of the President of the Republic, the countries analysed took inspiration from other established legal systems. In this context, while taking into account their own historical, cultural and political reasons, these states have experienced a spill-over of individual constitutional institutions leading to the creation of a sui generis institutional equilibrium i.e. separation of powers, or lack thereof, which has a decisive impact on the relations between the Government, the Parliament and the President of the Republic, as well as, consequently, on the functioning of the authority of the state itself. Some political systems initially showed a tendency to introduce a system with a stronger head of state, inspired by presidential or semi-presidential republics, but the majority of these countries gradually limited the powers of the President through the constitutional development and stabilisation of their political space. The situation is, however, different in those countries where, from the very beginning of the formation of the function of the President of the Republic, the constitutional legislator conferred upon the President mainly representative powers, following the example of systems with parliamentary supremacy, thus preventing the President, in accordance with his or her neutral role, from being able to adequately address 'crisis situations' in relation to the blocking of authorities arising from conflicts between the Parliament and Government. Hence, the analysed constitutional regimes have now seen certain elements appear which are "alien" to different political systems and which determine the (specific) position of the Head of State. The position of the President of the Republic, and in particular the extent of his or her powers and the resulting relationship with the legislative and executive bodies, is also one of the fundamental criteria of the classic classification of political systems. In addition to the powers exercised (mainly in the legislative and executive domains), the President's position is also influenced by the way he or she is elected. Compared to traditional western systems, the way in which the President of the Republic is elected in most of the former socialist states in question is not directly correlated to the extent of his or her formally defined powers. Based on the analysis of comparative law carried out, it can be concluded that in a regime like the one set up in Slovenia (where the constitutional legislator strengthened the President's legitimacy by holding direct elections, but at the same time conferred upon him or her weak, mainly representative powers), the President's position is the weakest among the eleven former socialist states analysed.
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VLOGA DEMOSA V PROCESU SLOVENSKE OSAMOSVOJITVE IN DEMOKRATIZACIJE ; The role of Demos – Democratic Oposition of Slovenia in the process of Slovenian independence and democratization
In: Ljubljana
Namen dela je predvsem proučiti oblikovanje, delovanje, vlogo in pomen Demosa kot instrumenta in akterja nacionalne emancipacije in demokratične tranzicije na Slovenskem. Pred osrednjim delom analize so opredeljeni ključni pojmi in koncepti: definicija nacionalizma ter glavni teoretični pristopi k nacionalizmu, opredelitev demokracije in demokratizacije. Za celovito razumevanje vloge in pomena posameznih političnih akterjev, kakršen je bil konec osemdesetih in v začetku devetdesetih Demos, je potrebno dobro poznati zgodovinske okoliščine. Najprej sem v poglavju o zgodovinskih mejnikih oblikovanja slovenske nacionalne identitete poskušala dokazati, da pomembni procesi v osemdesetih in devetdesetih letih niso vznikli sami od sebe, ampak imajo dolgo zgodovinsko podlago. V nadaljevanju obravnavam širjenje političnega prostora, obdobje liberalizacije in razcveta civilne družbe ter ključne procese in dogodke na poti v pluralno družbo. Procesi liberalizacije so soustvarjali tudi politično okolje, v katerem je začela nastajati politična opozicija. Konec osemdesetih let, tik pred nastankom Demosa, sta se izoblikovala dva konsistentna in nekompatibilna narodno-politična programa, ki sta simbolizirala politično polarizacijo. Nove, alternativne 'zveze' so se začele povezovati v pričakovanju demokratičnih volitev in soočenja s skupino družbenopolitičnih organizacij z Zvezo komunistov na čelu. Osrednji del disertacije predstavlja obravnava Demosa, akterja demokratizacije. Znotraj tega obdobja namenjam posebno pozornost najvidnejši osebnosti združene demokratične opozicije Jožetu Pučniku, analiziram predvolilne programe, rezultate volitev, ter oblikovanje novih oblastnih organov. V tem kontekstu analiziram tudi njihovo sodelovanje s Predsedstvom republike Slovenije. V nadaljevanju orišem vlogo Demosa v osamosvojitvenih procesih. Demos je v svojih glavnih namerah uspel, kljub temu, da ga niso ustrezno podpirali mediji, ni imel ustrezne zaslombe v gospodarstvu, pa tudi ne v državni upravi in, razen slovenske vojske in do neke mere policije, v represivnih organih oblasti. Kljub temu je uresničil glavne cilje, za uspešno izpeljano tranzicijo oziroma bolj popolno in konsolidirano demokratizacijo pa mu je zmanjkalo tako časa kot politične moči. Proces uvedbe demokracije, kot drugi od Demosovih ciljev, je bil uresničen v institucionalnem smislu, z vzpostavitvijo temeljnih demokratičnih struktur. Istočasno pa je bil Demos ključni dejavnik ne le pri oblikovanju splošnega soglasja o nujnosti osamosvojitve slovenskega naroda, ki se izraža v visokem rezultatu slovenskega plebiscita 23. decembra 1990, ampak je bil tudi glavni akter in instrument nacionalne osamosvojitve, obrambe slovenske samostojnosti v vojni za Slovenijo ter mednarodnega priznanja. ; The purpose of the thesis is primarily to examine the creation, operations, role and importance of Demos – Democratic Opposition of Slovenia as an instrument and actor of national emancipation and democratic transition in Slovenia. Prior to the central part of the analysis key terms and concepts are identified: definition of nationalism and the main theoretical approaches to nationalism, definition of democracy and democratization. For comprehensive understanding of the role and importance of individual political actors, like Demos was in the late eighties and early nineties, we should also be familiar with historical circumstances. At first I tried to stress that the main events and processes in the eighties and nineties had not emerged by themselves but were results of long historical development. Next I discuss broadening of political space, a period of liberalization and flourishing of civil society and also key processes and events on the way to a pluralistic society. The liberalization processes co-created also the political environment, in which the political opposition started to take shape. At the end of the eighties, just before the establishment of Demos, two consistent and incompatible national-political programmes were formed which symbolized the political polarization. New, alternative 'unions' began to link pending democratic elections and confrontations with a group of the so-called socio-political organizations with the Communists Party at the head. The central part of the thesis is the analysis of Demos, the actor of democratization. Within this period I pay particular attention to Jože Pučnik, the most prominent personality of the united democratic opposition, I analyse election programs, results of elections and the creation of new public authorities. In this context, I analyse also their cooperation with the Presidency of the Republic of Slovenia and outline the role of Demos in the independence processes. Demos succeeded in its main intentions, despite the fact that it had not adequate support of the media, no support of the economy nor in the public service and, with the exception of the Slovenian Army and to some extent police forces, the repressive authorities. Despite all these Demos accomplished its main objectives, however, for a successful transition or a more complete and consolidated democratization it ran out of time and political power. The process of introducing democracy was realized in a formal sense, with the establishment of basic democratic structures. At the same time Demos was a key factor in the creation of the general consensus on the necessity of the Slovenian independency which is shown in the high score of the plebiscite on 23rd Dec 1990. Demos was also the key actor and an instrument of the national independence process, the defence of the Slovenian territory in the war for Slovenia as well as in the process of the international recognition of the new Slovenian sovereign state.
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