Suchergebnisse

When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.

The term 'Common European Home' was coined in 1987 by Mikhail Gorbachev to describe the future policy of the Soviet Union towards Eastern Europe. At present this notion has lost its disquieting tone, which was related to the statement made by the So- viet Political Bureau: 'a stifling embrace, a suffocating hug'. Nowadays, this idea cov- ers various models of European integration, and is expressed in both the hopes and concerns of the states that participate in this process. The economic and political inte- gration of European states has been a continuous and dynamic process. The question of its further direction has become particularly important after the French said ' non' to the European Constitution. This has refueled disputes over existing integration models, which are focused around the opposing concepts of a Federal Europe and a Europe of Homelands as a confederation. It is of significant importance since the process of Europeization has been parallel to the process of regionalization inside the national European states. Regionalization mainly followed from the demands of autonomists, but sometimes was initiated by central governments as part of the process of decentralization. At present, European regions have increased their economic significance and have won more rights and authority inside their states. Consequently, they have aspired to become independent forces for globalization and Europeization. This process can be exemplified by Spain. After forty years of Franco's dictatorship, where any form of regional autonomy whatsoever was rejected, in 1975 a slow democratization process began.

The paper shows some aspects of 'border identity' of the two Spanish cities-exclaves: Ceuta and Melilla. It analyses the multicultural dimensions of coexistence between Muslim (Moroccan) and Spanish populations. The article refers to some political, social and economic challenges: Moroccan revindication policy, growing number of Muslim communities, illegal migration, the phenomenon of violent radicalization inspired by the jihadi ideology etc. In this context, the paper focuses on the most important elements of 'the border identity' which are crucial to further the understanding of social problems in these cities. The methodological
analysis is based on the integration of historical and system methods as well as scientific research and investigation conducted in Spain. Regarding some integration and inclusion efforts there are still unsolved social and economic problems that may have infl uence on the coexistence of different ethnocultural communities in the future.

Zsfassung in span. u. engl. Sprache. Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Religious liberty in Spain in the context of sociopolitical transformation in the years 1931 - 1992

Zsfassung in span. Sprache

Od 2015 r. Hiszpania nie przełamała impasu politycznego, a jej obywatele poszli do urn wyborczych czterokrotnie – ostatni raz 10 listopada 2019 r. Problemem jest niemożność utworzenia stabilnego większościowego gabinetu, czego przykładem jest rządząca od czerwca 2018 r. Hiszpańska Socjalistyczna Partia Robotnicza (PSOE). Po ostatnich wyborach doszło do zawarcia umowy z blokiem Unidas Podemos o utworzeniu koalicji. Przed nowym rządem stoi jednak wiele wyzwań, których rozwiązanie będzie kluczowe dla wyjścia Hiszpanii z kryzysu politycznego. W artykule ukazano najważniejsze wydarzenia poprzedzające listopadowe wybory z 2019 r., uwzględniając również zmianę systemu partyjnego w Hiszpanii, czynniki, które wpłynęły na taki stan rzeczy oraz analizę bieżącej sytuacji. ; Since 2015 Spain has not broken the political deadlock and its citizens have gone to the ballot box four times – the last time on 10th November 2019. The problem is the impossibility of creating a stable majority government, as exemplified by the PSOE which has been in power since June 2018. After the last elections, an agreement was reached with the Unidas Podemos block to form a coalition. However, the new government is facing many challenges, the solution of which will be crucial for Spain's come out of the political crisis. The article presents the most important events preceding the November 2019 elections, also taking into account the change of the party system in Spain, the factors that have influenced this state of affairs and the analysis of the current situation.

During the last few decades, a new state with a decentralized unitary structure was implemented and it destroyed so far functioning dichotomy between unitary states and complex states called very often as federal. Consequently, there is a huge controversy in the classification of the political system of countries like Spain or Italy. The article contains of a brief reference to the form of federal and unitary, which constitutes the background to the debate on the Spanish regime. Currently, 17 Spanish regions has a strong, stable political system and a political position, which does not mean the end of the decentralization process. The shape of the modern territorial structure of the Spanish State is based on several principles that are important from the point of view of the classification of the political system, the analysis included in the article. Spain based on the constitutional principle of unity, created a new form of the state, which in this case can be called a regional system of unitary decentralized. In conclusion it is not possible to call Spanish regime as federal.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries.

The report is an outcome of the project "Polish immigrant organizations" founded by the National Science Centre [grant number 2014/14/E/HS6/00731]. The proposed project was aimed at assessing and identifying factors contributing to the current status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain). The project envisioned two tracks of research: 1. Diagnostic research designed to assess the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries. 2. Explanatory research designed to identify factors affecting the status of Polish immigrant organizations in selected European countries