Many books, both scholarly and popular, consider how wars begin. There has also been a large number written on the question of limiting war in general and creating peace. Yet the question of how specific wars end has received far less attention. Except for memoirs and historical accounts of final battles and peace negotiations, it is difficult to find more than a handful of general works on war deescalation and termination.
While the shockingly high prices of prescription drugs continue to dominate the news, the strategies used by pharmaceutical companies to prevent generic competition are poorly understood, even by the lawmakers responsible for regulating them. In this groundbreaking work, Robin Feldman and Evan Frondorf illuminate the inner workings of the pharmaceutical market and show how drug companies twist health policy to achieve goals contrary to the public interest. In highly engaging prose, they offer specific examples of how generic competition has been stifled for years, with costs climbing into the billions and everyday consumers paying the price. Drug Wars is a guide to the current landscape, a roadmap for reform, and a warning of what is to come. It should be read by policymakers, academics, patients, and anyone else concerned with the soaring costs of prescription drugs.
"While the shockingly high prices of prescription drugs continue to dominate the news, the strategies used by pharmaceutical companies to prevent generic competition are poorly understood, even by the lawmakers responsible for regulating them. In this groundbreaking work, Robin Feldman and Evan Frondorf illuminate the inner workings of the pharmaceutical market and show how drug companies twist health policy to achieve goals contrary to the public interest. In highly engaging prose, they offer specific examples of how generic competition has been stifled for years, with costs climbing into the billions and everyday consumers paying the price. Drug Wars is a guide to the current landscape, a roadmap for reform, and a warning of what is to come. It should be read by policymakers, academics, patients, and anyone else concerned with the soaring costs of prescription drugs"--Provided by publisher
Democratic governments who need public opinion on their side to make decisions use different strategies to win popular support for their wars. This book chronicles that process in specific how popular support for the Iraq Wars were won by the two Bush Presidents, and how the leaders can often twist the truth. There is a tacit assumption that the public wants to trust the President, and that there are things the leaders know that the general public is not privy to. In certain cases, like wars of retaliation, little marketing is necessary. The use of polling data can also aide the government in.
An Introduction to Civil Wars takes an empirical and thematic approach to the study of civil wars. Since World War II, by far most of the wars that have been fought are civil wars--wars between groups within states, like Darfur, Somalia, Congo, Kosovo, and Chechnya--and not wars between sovereign states. The book is organized thematically to address major topics and findings on civil wars, including causes, duration, recurrence, termination, intervention, post-conflict problems, civilian victimization/terrorism, and resource-related issues. Cases at the end of chapters spotlight specific civil wars.
Few people would presently question self-importance of a cultural factor in world politics. One could easily agree with the British political scientist A. Hopkins who held that culture has always been impacting global processes, despite the fact that researchers have long been giving preference to politics and the economy over culture when evaluating global phenomena. Historically, globalization trends were more rapidly growing during the inter-civilization wars, ages of great geographical discoveries, religious expansionism, European cultural influence on the external world throughout the Renaissance and the Enlightenment, industrial and scientific discoveries, as well as the colonial division of the world. Here, Skachkov examines the impact of Western cultural expansion. Adapted from the source document.
Representing Wars from 1860 to the Present' examines representations of war in literature, film, photography, memorials, and the popular press. The volume breaks new ground in cutting across disciplinary boundaries and offering case studies on a wide variety of fields of vision and action, and types of conflict: from civil wars in the USA, Spain, Russia and the Congo to recent western interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. In the case of World War Two, 'Representing Wars' emphasises idiosyncratic and non-western perspectives - specifically those of Japanese writers Hayashi and Ooka.0A central concern of the thirteen contributors has been to investigate the ethical and ideological implications of specific representational choices
The authors analyze the relationship between ethnic polarization and the duration of civil wars. Several recent papers have argued that the uncertainty about the relative power of the contenders in a war will tend to increase its duration. In these models, uncertainty is directly related to the relative size of the contenders. The authors argue that the duration of civil wars increases the more polarized a society is. Uncertainty is not necessarily linked to the structure of the population but it could be traced back to the measurement of the size of the different groups in the society. Given a specific level of measurement error or uncertainty, more polarization implies lengthier wars. The empirical results show that ethnically polarized countries have to endure longer civil wars than ethnically less polarized societies.
In this paper we analyze theoretically and empirically the stability of the different political systems; that is, their ability to prevent conflict. According to our model, the proportional system has a lower probability of group rebellion than the majoritarian system. In the empirical part we test the role of political systems in preventing civil wars. We show that democracy by itself does not play an important explanatory role, while the specific type of political system- majoritarian, presidential and proportional-does. The rationale of this result is that different political systems entail different opportunity costs of rebellion.
We present an effective method of eliminating unsolicited electronic mail (so-called spam) and discuss its publicly accessible prototype implementation. A subscriber to our system is able to obtain an unlimited number of aliases of his/her permanent (protected) E-Mail address to be handed out to parties willing to communicate with the subscriber. It is also possible to set up publishable aliases, which can be used by human correspondents to contact the subscriber, while being useless to harvesting robots and spammers. The validity of an alias can be easily restricted to a specific duration in time, a specific number of received messages, a specific population of senders, and/or in other ways. The system is fully compatible with the existing E-Mail infrastructure and can be immediately accessed via any standard E-Mail client software (MUA). It can be easily deployed at any institution or organization running its private E-Mail server (MTA) with a trivial modification to that server. Our system offers a simple method to salvage the existing population of E-Mail addresses while eliminating all spam aimed at them.
Balkans has a long and abundant in events history.The age-long development of the Balkans, the almost permanent invasions, wars and conflicts have earned it a reputation of one of the fieriest European regions. For the purposes of political description of the relations there such terms as "a powder magazine", a dim region of "a clash of religions and civilizations" are used, but behind all these terms a permanent concept is hidden-the concept of a place that brings only problems to Europe. The reasons for such a characteristic of the Balkans are numerous. I can count some of them as the historic, geographic, ethnic-demographic, political and many other less important reasons. But if I have to arrange and to grade them in some way, without any doubt I have to put on the first place the geographic or expressed in other words-the geo-political position of this clearly differentiated European region. The European continent is unique in a global sense. It looks more like a huge appendage-peninsular of Asia, than an independent continent like Africa, the two Americas and Australia.
This is the first paper using household survey data from two countries involved in an international war (Eritrea and Ethiopia) to measure the conflict's impact on children's health in both nations. The identification strategy uses event data to exploit exogenous variation in the conflict's geographic extent and timing and the exposure of different children's birth cohorts to the fighting. The paper uniquely incorporates GPS information on the distance between survey villages and conflict sites to more accurately measure a child's war exposure. War-exposed children in both countries have lower height-for-age Z-scores, with the children in the war-instigating and losing country (Eritrea) suffering more than the winning nation (Ethiopia). Negative impacts on boys and girls of being born during the conflict are comparable to impacts for children alive at the time of the war. Effects are robust to including region-specific time trends, alternative conflict exposure measures, and an instrumental variables strategy.
Since its relatively recent independence in 1971, a total of seven national Education Commissions were formed, all of which placed various degrees of emphasis on the planning, pedagogy and learning of English in Bangladesh. Although the first Education Commission in 1974 aimed to 'decolonise' the education system and effectively exile English from the country, English has always remained a top priority in the school curriculum. Studies have linked this to residual colonial legacy inherited from the British education system. ; In the backdrop of persistent nationalistic favouritism towards Bengali, English is still widely an area-specific language confined to academia, and English education is often still seen as a purely instrumentalist endeavour. However it is also important as a symbol of socio-intellectual elitism and prestige. Such mixed, often incongruous positions can be seen reflected in the way successive National Education Policies have interacted with Commissions, which some critics have pointed out were formed by various regimes to advance their political agenda and ideology rather than to further the country’s pragmatic needs and achieve well-articulated and time-sensitive policy outcomes. ; This article critically reviews the major trends of English education policy as enacted through four decades of reform and how English has played out in the education system in a developing country fast emerging as a rich ground of alternative educational research. ; Through a brief chronology of education policy and commissions and drawing on the comparative shifts of emphasis on English through their recommendations over a period of four decades, the article situates the place of English within the pragmatics of a postcolonial mindset and the socio-cultural expectations of stakeholders, and deals with the complexities of transition from policy to practice. In particular it problematises the almost irreconcilable friction between English and Bengali forged through the nationalistic sentiment born in the Language Movement of 1952, an episode unique in the history of the world. Rather than looking into the politics of policy planning and implementation, it looks towards the possibility of an education system that can bring about a healthy juxtaposition between heritage and modernity.