This paper has the objective to give a general vision of the new conditions of the women's public and political action in the I century b.C. At those times the frequent civil wars took far apart many men from institutional life and allowed matronae to act in politics. When do women act in politics and which is the typology of their actions? Do women act in private background, that now has become even politics'context, or do they act in public background? Through which instruments, and overall through which languages, do matronae act their strategies? Which role do they act, between the need of conforming and the boost for development, the male models of political action and previous female experiences in public life? This paper evidences specific cases of matronal interferences in political life, which offers advices about who this phenomenon in this chronological context has became so common and popular.
This study concerns the construction and the preservation of religious buildings, mainly from an historical point of view by reconstructing the urban city laws since the Italian Unification, through Fascism, the two World Wars and finally the rebuilding during the second postwar period. At the beginning of the Seventies, the first devolution occurred and places of worship, that had been constructed or consecrated for religious purposes, began to be provided with city plans and each federalist intervention occurred without any constitutional changes. It was only at the beginning of the new Millennium that the most significant constitutional reform happened with the overturning of the State and the Regions' legislative competences: the general legislative competence had been conferred to the Regions, while the State remained in charge of specific topics listed in the Constitution. However, even if the competence of the State and the religious Confessions relationships continued to be regulated by the State's laws, the construction of religious buildings began to be controlled by the local authorities. In the last chapter I have focused my attention on the specific case of Lombardia's law for the governance of territories (legge per il governo del territorio), in which five articles concerns the construction of religious buildings. The Lombard law maker demands a long series of requirements of religious Confessions in order to consider a probable construction of a religious edifice or a change in the use of an existing building. There seems to be no problem at present if the religious faith has stipulated an "agreement" with the State. However, the attempt to exclude the Islamic faith is evident, since that it has not made any agreements with the Public Authority. The unconstitutionality of Lombardia's urban city law is therefore evident because it is in contrast with the Italian Constitution articles 3,8, 19 and 20, which represent Italian Secularism and therefore an equal treatment for every religious faith without discrimination or preference for any of them.
The Collector and the Wars to come. Exploring Diego de Henriquez's Collections at the Museums of the City of Trieste In a few unpublished projects and notes written between the 1950s and the early 1970s Diego de Henriquez, Italian ex-soldier and passionate collector, developed his reflections and designs for a "war museum for peace", which he planned to establish in Trieste. These papers represent a rich and yet unexplored material and are today at the Civico museo di guerra per la pace "Diego de Henriquez" of the City of Trieste, along with de Henriquez's notable private collection of armaments, military tools and technologies, documents and books pertinent to the theme of war throughout history. This essay dwells on de Henriquez's manuscripts, devoting specific attention to the popularization and educational purposes he foresaw for future exhibitions, and the role played by literary and visual works of fiction in his programmes, as well as in his library and collection of objects and works of art. Planning to devote the closing section of his war museum to future conflicts as imagined by writers and illustrators, in 1957 de Henriquez bought fifteen original sketches made by Albert Robida for Pierre Giffard's feuilleton La guerre infernale (1908) from a bookstand in Rome. This essay, enhancing the presence of these rare materials in Trieste, and accompanied by the publication of two of Robida's sketches, offers some remarks on the representation of war violence in early-contemporary imagery and on the re-use of Robida's work in de Henriquez's programme.
One hundred years after the First World War, the essay intends to review the systems adopted for protection of historic buil- dings, along with the damage suffered, and reconstruction after the war. The two wars which, in the 20th century, involved Italy, and severely damaged its historical patrimony, had different outcomes and gave rise to very different memories. Damage caused by the Second World War (1939-45) was much more serious, and the memories which historians of art, architects and restorers produced, in the form of documents and popular essays, are vast.However, the Great War, especially in the North-East of Italy, produced profound changes, not only due to the complete ruin of entire villages (Asiago, Conegliano and others), but, as it is known, also due to the serious damage which Venice, Verona, Treviso suffered through bombings. Unlike the Second World War, which was in every way destructive, the Great War, also because of specific strategies and military techniques, was in some way a "constructive" war: it led to the construction of huge military buildings (barracks, fortress, infrastructures, etc.). For this reason, the Great War was probably the last conflictin human history which, paradoxically, produced new buildings and new landscapes. These inheritances, which very often show high technical and aesthetic qualities, have had little recogni- tion, and even less investment for conservation and re-use. ; A distanza di un secolo da quegli eventi, il testo vuole essere un contributo alla memoria dei dispositivi di protezione messi in atto, dei danni e delle imponenti ricostruzioni del patrimonio monumentale italiano che sono seguite al primo conflitto mondiale.Le due guerre che nel corso del Novecento hanno investito il nostro Paese e hanno ferito il suo patrimonio costruito hanno avuto esiti e prodotto memorie molto diverse. Incomparabilmente superiore è il danno causato dal secondo conflitto (1939-'45), ed è altrettanto maggiore la memoria che storici dell'arte, restauratori e soprintendenti ...
How to write the history of the wars of Italy? This study focuses on the Storia d'Italia with the aim of comparing the writing of history, the perception of changes in to modern warfare, and theories on the possibility of a bank of knowledge on war. In fact, Guicciardini's intention in this work is to uncover a new rationale in literature behind the war-ridden recent history. In order to understand the details of his intellectual and political venture, we must base our analysis on the need for a non-systematic way of thinking about modern warfare. The first part of this study examines the 'varied nature of the governing of war' depending on the 'context of the time' and the 'skills of the men'. So the study demonstrates the impossibility of an unambiguous reading of contemporary events, and attempts to set out a chronology of the greatest changes in the art of warfare (with specific concern to the shift from the "art of offence" to that "of defence"). The perception of this open, dynamic thinking is even stronger given that the author was a participant in and a witness to all that had happened on the peninsula since 1494. This is also the reason - which is addressed in the second part of our study - why it is important to remind the reader of the author's choice to wait for his account of the 1521 campaign to reveal earlier evolutions and changes, which could have been displayed earlier in the text. In this way, the historian presents the principles of the evolution of modern warfare and the maturing of a school of thought on that war as part of a gradual twofold process, thus transforming historiography into a type of template for knowledge on war. ; Come scrivere la storia delle guerre d'Italia? Il racconto delle guerre d'Italia nella grande Storia guicciardiniana è segnato da due tendenze che potrebbero sembrare contraddittorie ma che convergono nella rinascita del modello neo-tucidideo di un'analisi politica della guerra da chi vi è stato partecipe, in una contemporaneità radicale. Queste due tendenze sono ...
This paper connects two critical paradigms: the model of the mythological machine developed by Furio Jesi and the ideology of the venezianità that has been investigated, with respect to the Fascist period, by Mario Isnenghi. In the early 20th century, the myth of the Serenissima plays a key role both in the works of Gabriele D'Annunzio and in the movies inspired by them. This paper focuses on a relevant example taken from such cinematography (La nave, 1921), but it also extends the analysis to other sources, like the glossy magazines and the historical studies printed in Venice during the Ventennio. By projecting the Venetian past onto the Fascist present, these publications offer a rhetorical cloak to disguise the financial and military ambitions of the rising Venetian bourgeoisie. This paper makes use of the conceptual tools elaborated by Jesi in order to dissect this mythology. The goal is to outline a specific variant of the myth of Venice, whose sources do not belong to the 16th-century vulgate, that is the most famous version of the myth. Such sources date back to the second half of the 17th century instead, when the wars against the Turks nurtured a warlike and individualistic rhetoric, both in public celebrations and in typography. The ideas and the narrative that germinated in the Baroque era, as well as the names of the doges and the captains from that time, can be found both in the works of Gino Damerini, a central figure in Venetian cultural life during the Ventennio, and in the verses written by D'Annunzio to celebrate the Italian war in Libya (Merope, 1912). ; L'articolo mette in comunicazione due paradigmi critici, l'uno teorico e l'altro storiografico: da una parte il modello della macchina mitologica elaborato da Furio Jesi, dall'altra l'ideologia della venezianità studiata, in relazione al Ventennio fascista, da Mario Isnenghi. Le proiezioni mitologiche della Serenissima vengono alimentate, nel primo Novecento, dalle opere di Gabriele D'Annunzio e, più in generale, dal dannunzianesimo cinematografico, di cui si indaga qui un caso specifico (La nave, 1921); ma la ripresa, a fini propagandistici, del mito di Venezia è un fenomeno trasversale, che interessa tanto le riviste patinate quanto gli studi storici, garantendo un paludamento retorico agli interessi, finanziari e militaristi, della nuova borghesia in ascesa. Adoperando gli strumenti concettuali approntati da Jesi, l'articolo si impegna a sciogliere questa mitologia in senso diacronico. Si delinea così una variante specifica del mito di Venezia, le cui fonti non appartengono alla più celebre vulgata cinquecentesca, ma risalgono invece alla seconda metà del Seicento, quando le guerre contro i Turchi favoriscono, tanto nelle celebrazioni pubbliche quanto in tipografia, l'emergere di una retorica bellicosa e individualista. Le idee e le narrazioni germinate in epoca barocca, come pure i nomi dei dogi e dei capitani che di quella stagione furono i maggiori interpreti, si ritrovano puntualmente sia nell'intensa attività pubblicistica di Gino Damerini, uno dei più importanti intellettuali della Venezia fascista, sia nei versi con cui D'Annunzio celebra la guerra di Libia (Merope, 1912).
How to write the history of the wars of Italy? This study focuses on the Storia d'Italia with the aim of comparing the writing of history, the perception of changes in to modern warfare, and theories on the possibility of a bank of knowledge on war. In fact, Guicciardini's intention in this work is to uncover a new rationale in literature behind the war-ridden recent history. In order to understand the details of his intellectual and political venture, we must base our analysis on the need for a non-systematic way of thinking about modern warfare. The first part of this study examines the 'varied nature of the governing of war' depending on the 'context of the time' and the 'skills of the men'. So the study demonstrates the impossibility of an unambiguous reading of contemporary events, and attempts to set out a chronology of the greatest changes in the art of warfare (with specific concern to the shift from the "art of offence" to that "of defence"). The perception of this open, dynamic thinking is even stronger given that the author was a participant in and a witness to all that had happened on the peninsula since 1494. This is also the reason - which is addressed in the second part of our study - why it is important to remind the reader of the author's choice to wait for his account of the 1521 campaign to reveal earlier evolutions and changes, which could have been displayed earlier in the text. In this way, the historian presents the principles of the evolution of modern warfare and the maturing of a school of thought on that war as part of a gradual twofold process, thus transforming historiography into a type of template for knowledge on war. ; Come scrivere la storia delle guerre d'Italia? Il racconto delle guerre d'Italia nella grande Storia guicciardiniana è segnato da due tendenze che potrebbero sembrare contraddittorie ma che convergono nella rinascita del modello neo-tucidideo di un'analisi politica della guerra da chi vi è stato partecipe, in una contemporaneità radicale. Queste due tendenze sono da un canto la spinta a parlare in prima persona di eventi nei quali chi scrive è stato protagonista (dove l'autobiografia è costitutiva della costruzione di uno statuto autoriale) e, da un altro canto, la tensione verso la proposta di un sapere della guerra, ossia di un discorso modellizzante delle forme del conflitto armato che spinge ad organizzare tale discorso con categorie e genealogie che gli siano proprie (dove sono l'affermazione dell'esperienza politica singola e la rivendicazione di una competenza specifica indotta da essa a rafforzare la pretesa autoriale). Abbiamo a che fare con un tentativo di rispondere a due vecchie domande incrociate: a che cosa serve la scrittura nella politica e a che cosa serve l'esperienza politica nella scrittura? Scrivere la Storia d'Italia non significa per Guicciardini passarev"dalla politica alla storia" . Si tratta invece di mettere il sapere dalla politica al servizio della storiografia per continuare a fare politica anche dopo la sconfitta in guerra. La storiografia come storia della politica e della guerra fa della razionalizzazione della guerra una rivincita della ragione sull'esito del conflitto armato.
How to write the history of the wars of Italy? This study focuses on the Storia d'Italia with the aim of comparing the writing of history, the perception of changes in to modern warfare, and theories on the possibility of a bank of knowledge on war. In fact, Guicciardini's intention in this work is to uncover a new rationale in literature behind the war-ridden recent history. In order to understand the details of his intellectual and political venture, we must base our analysis on the need for a non-systematic way of thinking about modern warfare. The first part of this study examines the 'varied nature of the governing of war' depending on the 'context of the time' and the 'skills of the men'. So the study demonstrates the impossibility of an unambiguous reading of contemporary events, and attempts to set out a chronology of the greatest changes in the art of warfare (with specific concern to the shift from the "art of offence" to that "of defence"). The perception of this open, dynamic thinking is even stronger given that the author was a participant in and a witness to all that had happened on the peninsula since 1494. This is also the reason - which is addressed in the second part of our study - why it is important to remind the reader of the author's choice to wait for his account of the 1521 campaign to reveal earlier evolutions and changes, which could have been displayed earlier in the text. In this way, the historian presents the principles of the evolution of modern warfare and the maturing of a school of thought on that war as part of a gradual twofold process, thus transforming historiography into a type of template for knowledge on war. ; Come scrivere la storia delle guerre d'Italia? Il racconto delle guerre d'Italia nella grande Storia guicciardiniana è segnato da due tendenze che potrebbero sembrare contraddittorie ma che convergono nella rinascita del modello neo-tucidideo di un'analisi politica della guerra da chi vi è stato partecipe, in una contemporaneità radicale. Queste due tendenze sono da un canto la spinta a parlare in prima persona di eventi nei quali chi scrive è stato protagonista (dove l'autobiografia è costitutiva della costruzione di uno statuto autoriale) e, da un altro canto, la tensione verso la proposta di un sapere della guerra, ossia di un discorso modellizzante delle forme del conflitto armato che spinge ad organizzare tale discorso con categorie e genealogie che gli siano proprie (dove sono l'affermazione dell'esperienza politica singola e la rivendicazione di una competenza specifica indotta da essa a rafforzare la pretesa autoriale). Abbiamo a che fare con un tentativo di rispondere a due vecchie domande incrociate: a che cosa serve la scrittura nella politica e a che cosa serve l'esperienza politica nella scrittura? Scrivere la Storia d'Italia non significa per Guicciardini passarev"dalla politica alla storia" . Si tratta invece di mettere il sapere dalla politica al servizio della storiografia per continuare a fare politica anche dopo la sconfitta in guerra. La storiografia come storia della politica e della guerra fa della razionalizzazione della guerra una rivincita della ragione sull'esito del conflitto armato.
How to write the history of the wars of Italy? This study focuses on the Storia d'Italia with the aim of comparing the writing of history, the perception of changes in to modern warfare, and theories on the possibility of a bank of knowledge on war. In fact, Guicciardini's intention in this work is to uncover a new rationale in literature behind the war-ridden recent history. In order to understand the details of his intellectual and political venture, we must base our analysis on the need for a non-systematic way of thinking about modern warfare. The first part of this study examines the 'varied nature of the governing of war' depending on the 'context of the time' and the 'skills of the men'. So the study demonstrates the impossibility of an unambiguous reading of contemporary events, and attempts to set out a chronology of the greatest changes in the art of warfare (with specific concern to the shift from the "art of offence" to that "of defence"). The perception of this open, dynamic thinking is even stronger given that the author was a participant in and a witness to all that had happened on the peninsula since 1494. This is also the reason - which is addressed in the second part of our study - why it is important to remind the reader of the author's choice to wait for his account of the 1521 campaign to reveal earlier evolutions and changes, which could have been displayed earlier in the text. In this way, the historian presents the principles of the evolution of modern warfare and the maturing of a school of thought on that war as part of a gradual twofold process, thus transforming historiography into a type of template for knowledge on war. ; Come scrivere la storia delle guerre d'Italia? Il racconto delle guerre d'Italia nella grande Storia guicciardiniana è segnato da due tendenze che potrebbero sembrare contraddittorie ma che convergono nella rinascita del modello neo-tucidideo di un'analisi politica della guerra da chi vi è stato partecipe, in una contemporaneità radicale. Queste due tendenze sono da un canto la spinta a parlare in prima persona di eventi nei quali chi scrive è stato protagonista (dove l'autobiografia è costitutiva della costruzione di uno statuto autoriale) e, da un altro canto, la tensione verso la proposta di un sapere della guerra, ossia di un discorso modellizzante delle forme del conflitto armato che spinge ad organizzare tale discorso con categorie e genealogie che gli siano proprie (dove sono l'affermazione dell'esperienza politica singola e la rivendicazione di una competenza specifica indotta da essa a rafforzare la pretesa autoriale). Abbiamo a che fare con un tentativo di rispondere a due vecchie domande incrociate: a che cosa serve la scrittura nella politica e a che cosa serve l'esperienza politica nella scrittura? Scrivere la Storia d'Italia non significa per Guicciardini passarev"dalla politica alla storia" . Si tratta invece di mettere il sapere dalla politica al servizio della storiografia per continuare a fare politica anche dopo la sconfitta in guerra. La storiografia come storia della politica e della guerra fa della razionalizzazione della guerra una rivincita della ragione sull'esito del conflitto armato.
Il diritto a un minimo decente di assistenza sanitaria – spesso chiamato, più semplicemente, diritto alla salute – fa parte dei cosiddetti diritti di seconda generazione, cioè quelli che richiedono un impegno attivo da parte dello stato per assicurare ad ogni cittadino la possibilità di una vita dignitosa. Il diritto alla salute si trova enunciato nei più importanti documenti internazionali, a partire dalla Dichiarazione universale dei diritti dell'uomo (1948), e nella maggior parte delle costituzioni nazionali, compresa quella italiana. Tuttavia, nel Sud del mondo, la sua applicazione è ostacolata da un gran numero di fattori (povertà, guerre, corruzione politica, ecc.); cosicché la maggior parte degli esseri umani vive in società prive di un sistema sanitario nazionale, cadendo vittima di malattie facilmente curabili o prevenibili. Per affrontare questo problema, la cooperazione sanitaria internazionale ha sperimentato nel tempo due diverse forme di intervento: una incentrata sulla diffusione dell'assistenza sanitaria di base (come raccomandato dalla Conferenza di Alma-Ata del 1978), l'altra sui cosiddetti "programmi verticali", i quali agiscono su singole malattie o branche della sanità. Nessuno dei due approcci però ha prodotto i risultati sperati. L'Ong italiana Emergency propone un modello di cooperazione sanitaria per molti aspetti innovativo: esso si fonda su progetti autogestiti e totalmente gratuiti (che vanno dalla pediatria alla chirurgia di guerra alla cardiochirurgia) ed è capace di incidere sul tessuto sociale nel quale si inserisce, fino ad influenzare le scelte politiche delle autorità locali. Solamente intervenendo in un modo simile sui determinanti sociali della salute, sembra possibile migliorare realmente lo stato di salute delle popolazioni più povere e garantire così la prima delle condizioni necessarie perché ogni persona abbia la possibilità di vivere una vita decente. ; The right to a minimum health care – often referred to as the right to health – is part of the so called second generation rights, that is, those rights which would necessitate active state efforts in order to guarantee every citizen a dignified standard of living. The right to health is recognised in all the most important international documents, the first being the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and in the majority of national constitutions, including the Italian one. Nevertheless, in the southern hemisphere, its application is still facing many obstacles (e.g. poverty, wars, political corruption, etc.), to such an extent that the greater number of people live in society without National healthcare service, and they are likely to fall victims at easy-to-cure or preventable diseases. In order to cope with this problem, international cooperative forces for health care has experimented with two different strategies of intervention. Whereas the first one has been focused on diffusing primary health care (as recalled during 1978 Alma-Ata Conference), the second one has tried to put into action the so called vertical programs, whose goal is to act against specific disease or on health care branches. However, it seems that neither strategy has so far reached the desired aims. An innovative cooperation model is offered by the NGO Emergency. Their way of intervention is based on self-managed and free health care projects (concerning paediatrics, emergency war surgery, cardiovascular surgery, etc.) which can exert a considerable influence not only on the social tissue they develop within, but also on political decisions taken at local level. To take action on the social determiners of health seems to be the only way to actually improve poor people's health condition and to assure them the basis for a decent standard of living.
[Italiano]:Attraverso i diversi saggi che lo compongono, il volume dà voce ad esperienze e percezioni soggettive di uomini e donne coinvolti in conflitti bellici tra periodo risorgimentale e Grande Guerra: fasi storiche caratterizzate da profondi elementi di continuità riguardo alla costruzione simbolica dell'identità nazionale, ma anche da altrettanto forti cesure. Il confronto tra contesti diversi si rivela prezioso per indagare il rapporto tra genere, nazione, guerra. Partendo da uno stereotipo ancora forte, benché messo in discussione da ricerche recenti, che associa le donne al desiderio di pace e gli uomini alla volontà di competizione e di conquista, ci siamo chiesti se dai testi analizzati emergesse una specifica percezione "di genere" delle guerre, e in che misura i conflitti bellici considerati abbiano prodotto crisi e a trasformazione nelle relazioni tra donne e uomini. Negli scritti di combattenti analizzati nel volume – borbonici e garibaldini sulla scena risorgimentale, volontari inglesi ed italiani del primo conflitto mondiale – "fare la guerra" assume significati molto diversi, in relazione allo schieramento cui si appartiene e alla personalità individuale; ma rappresenta tuttavia, sempre, un momento di confronto cruciale con i modelli di virilità dominanti. Gli scritti di Louise Colet, appassionata sostenitrice della causa italiana, le immagini di "angeli" e "furie" che emergono dalle memorie maschili del Risorgimento, accanto agli scritti di tante donne mobilitatesi nel 1914-18 – dall'inglese Vera Brittain, alle irredentiste e nazionaliste italiane, alla minoranza femminista che restò, controcorrente, fedele all'internazionalismo pacifista – ci ricordano che nell'Ottocento, così come nel terribile conflitto che apre il "secolo breve", la guerra investì e trasformò profondamente, oltre alla vita degli uomini chiamati al fronte, anche quella delle donne - benché la memoria "canonica" le abbia cancellate, presentando ogni guerra, in quanto tale, come teatro esclusivo della virilità./[English]: Through the various essays that compose it, the volume gives voice to subjective experiences and perceptions of men and women involved in military conflicts between the Risorgimento period and the Great War: historical phases characterized by deep elements of continuity regarding the symbolic construction of national identity, but also by equally strong watersheds. The comparison between different contexts is valuable in investigating the relationship between gender, nation, and war. Starting from a stereotype that is still strong, though it has been challenged by recent research − associating women with the desire for peace and men at the will of competition and conquest −, the volume inquired whether a specific "gender" perception of wars emerged from the texts analyzed, and to what extent these conflicts have prodded crisis and transformation in the relations between women and men. In the writings of fighters analyzed in the book − Bourbonists and Garibaldians on the Risorgimento scene, British and Italian volunteers in the First World War − "fighting the war" assumes very different meanings in relation to the side that was chosen and to the individual personality; however, it always represents a crucial moment of confrontation with dominant models of virility. The writings of Louise Colet − a passionate supporter of the Italian cause −, the images of "angels" and "fury" emerging from the male memories of the Risorgimento, alongside writings of so many women mobilized in 1914-18 − from Vera Brittain to Italian irredentists and nationalists, to the feminist minority who remained faithful to pacifist internationalism − remind us that in the nineteenth century, as in the terrible conflict that opens the "age of extremes", the war transformed profoundly, in addition to the lives of men called cannot, in fact, ignore the historical dimension that needs to inform any study that is to be done today on these works.
France of the Third Republic (1870 -1940) - by that time distant from the uncertain and patchy colonial beginnings of the Grand Siècle (mainly oriented towards America and the Indian ocean) and from the discontinuous and loser policy of acquisitions of vast territories overseas of the XVIII century - in the fifty years after the occupation of Tunisia (1881) renews the intentions of the Second Republic and of the Second Empire to expand the dominoes in Africa, Asia and Oceania. Officially denominated Second Empire Colonial Français and endowed with a specific motto ("Trois couleurs, une drapeaus, un empire") the "French World" of overseas at the beginning of the second decade of the XX century was become a territorial entity of thirteen million square kilometers with more than one hundred million inhabitants. It was, therefore, an extraordinary intercontinental dominion, second only to the much larger British colonial empire (whose extension, in the same period, was of around 36 million square kilometers with almost half a billion people). Already in the mature stage of the Belle Èpoque, once crushed the last pockets of resistance, the French colonial policy's goals were: a more efficient organization of the economic exploitation (including the reemploy of resources in the single possessions for infrastructural improvements and in order to reach higher life standards); an incentive to the immigration of French citizens (aimed to an expansion of the metropolitan presence); a more careful treatment of the natives; and a better administrative and institutional organization of the territories. At this point, the Third Republic not only arrogated the role of global power but also claimed the primogeniture of the modern idea itself of colonial empire (actually realized only in truth a small part of its dominoes). The new course of its colonial policy was aimed to make the "Douce France" the leading nation in the process of modernization of the subdued populations. No more by proclaiming itself as the executor of a civilizing task (in the name of which the Europeans, in the second half of the XIX century, claimed the right to impose their order to the local realities), but by respecting their cultures and peculiarities. No wonder, then, if, during the mature phase of the Belle époque (and later between the two world wars), in the Europeanized cities of the Maghreb (and namely in the colony of Algeria and in the protectorates of Tunisia and Morocco), the most representative French building production, both public and private, abandoned the classicist Beaux Arts - a clearly imposed architectural culture - to adopt the new style arabisance, rather adaptable and well related to the context. Before in Tunisia, with the foundations of the French Villes Neuves conceived as conspicuous additions juxtaposed to the ancient nucleuses of Tunisi, Sousse, Biserta and Sfax, then in Morocco, with the enlargements of Casablanca, Fez, Marrakech, Meknes and Rabat promoted by the marshal Louis Hubert Gonzalve Lyautey, the management of the French protectorate sharpen methodologies and operational strategies creating a complex urbanistic story, passing from a coercive behavior (also in terms of formal choices, of systems of planning and building production) to conscious interventions careful to the contexts. It is mainly Lyautey the one who inaugurated this new course, also engaging himself in the safeguard of the historical architecture (not necessarily "monumental") and the urban order of the medinas; an intention pursued along with the attempt to control the European penetration (in the business and in the development of the new districts) and with the creation of a fundamental document of urbanistic legislation. Even associating his farsighted administrative action to the excellent activity of Henri Prost, as co-opted planner by the gubernatorial authority for the planning of the urban amplifications promoted by the protectorate, Lyautey would have promoted a modern development (but compatible with the local traditions), of the principal historical cities of French Morocco in the full respect of the preexisting installations.
