Suchergebnisse

Many books, both scholarly and popular, consider how wars begin. There has also been a large number written on the question of limiting war in general and creating peace. Yet the question of how specific wars end has received far less attention. Except for memoirs and historical accounts of final battles and peace negotiations, it is difficult to find more than a handful of general works on war deescalation and termination.

The presented material is an attempt at analyzing the specific legal position of peace treaties. The author argues with the opinion which is put forward (not too often, though), maintaining that such treaties – due to their not expressing the will of states in a classical way – cannot be considered to be agreements as such. He presents the basic similarities and – first of all – differences, especially concerning the so-called final provisions, with reference to both typical international agreements and peace treaties, respectively. In the study, he formulates the thesis of a special role, significance and evolution of peace treaties, despite frequent disrespect for the resolutions they contain. Instances of peace treaties which were concluded in the past are recalled and analyzed, and juxtaposed with ones made in the 20th century, particularly those following the First and the Second World Wars.

This introduction to the special section on Poland's wars of symbols analyzes the symbolic contestation that has characterized the country in recent years, studying a range of phenomena including nation, gender, memory, and religious symbolism within the overall framework of political conflict. In doing so, it offers a multidisciplinary view on political fractures that have resonated throughout Europe and the "West." Overall, the four case studies in this section study ways in which national symbols, topoi, and narratives have been deployed as tools in drawing and redrawing boundaries within society, polarizing and mobilizing the political camps as well as contesting and resisting power. These studies enable us to situate recent political events in a historical perspective, mapping the rise of populism in Poland against the background of legacies specific to the East-Central European region.

Few people would presently question self-importance of a cultural factor in world politics. One could easily agree with the British political scientist A. Hopkins who held that culture has always been impacting global processes, despite the fact that researchers have long been giving preference to politics and the economy over culture when evaluating global phenomena. Historically, globalization trends were more rapidly growing during the inter-civilization wars, ages of great geographical discoveries, religious expansionism, European cultural influence on the external world throughout the Renaissance and the Enlightenment, industrial and scientific discoveries, as well as the colonial division of the world. Here, Skachkov examines the impact of Western cultural expansion. Adapted from the source document.

Civil wars have a tendency to spread across borders. In several instances of conflict diffusion, however, conflicts spread well after their cessation at home. Whereas existing diffusion research has not attached much importance to this observation, I argue that these conflicts are instances of a broader pattern of postconflict diffusion. Wars are particularly prone to spread after termination because the end of fighting generates a surplus of weapons, combatants, and rebel leaders whose fortunes are tied to the continuation of violence. Some of these resources circulate throughout the region via the small arms trade and through transnational rebel networks, making this a time at which it should be easier for nonstate groups in the neighborhood to build a capable rebel army. The results from two complementary statistical tests on global conflict data provide strong support for such a postconflict diffusion effect.

Civil wars have a tendency to spread across borders. In several instances of conflict diffusion, however, conflicts spread well after their cessation at home. Whereas existing diffusion research has not attached much importance to this observation, I argue that these conflicts are instances of a broader pattern of postconflict diffusion. Wars are particularly prone to spread after termination because the end of fighting generates a surplus of weapons, combatants, and rebel leaders whose fortunes are tied to the continuation of violence. Some of these resources circulate throughout the region via the small arms trade and through transnational rebel networks, making this a time at which it should be easier for nonstate groups in the neighborhood to build a capable rebel army. The results from two complementary statistical tests on global conflict data provide strong support for such a postconflict diffusion effect.

Debates about the legitimacy of different kinds of civil society action have increasingly come to be framed in the language of 'culture wars', and this is contributing to the closing down of space for civil society in the UK. The focus of the article is on restrictions being experienced
by the charity sector, while drawing out the implications for other parts of civil society. A recent example is the National Trust, which in 2020 faced censure for publishing a report on the historical links between its properties and slavery and colonialism. In this case, as in others, although
the culture–wars framing was novel, there were continuities with long– standing debates over the legitimate space for civil society action, often discussed in terms of the obligations on charities to avoid being 'political'. Specific modes of discipline across a range of legal
frameworks are described, with a more detailed account of how these dynamics have affected Muslim civil society since the launch of the War on Terror, especially through Prevent. The article contributes to academic and activist debates about the best ways to organise to achieve progressive
ends in an increasingly hostile and authoritarian political context.

A neoclassical growth model is used to empirically test for the influences of a civil war on steady-state income per capita both at home and in neighboring countries. This model provides the basis for measuring long-run and short-run effects of civil wars on income per capita growth in the host country and its neighbors. Evidence of significant collateral damage on economic growth in neighboring nations is uncovered. In addition, this damage is attributed to country-specific influences rather than to migration, human capital, or investment factors. As the intensity of the measure used to proxy the conflict increases, there are enhanced neighbor spillovers. Moreover, collateral damage from civil wars to growth is more pronounced in the short run.

A neoclassical growth model is used to empirically test for the influences of a civil war on steady-state income per capita both at home & in neighboring countries. This model provides the basis for measuring long-run & short-run effects of civil wars on income per capita growth in the host country & its neighbors. Evidence of significant collateral damage on economic growth in neighboring nations is uncovered. In addition, this damage is attributed to country-specific influences rather than to migration, human capital, or investment factors. As the intensity of the measure used to proxy the conflict increases, there are enhanced neighbor spillovers. Moreover, collateral damage from civil wars to growth is more pronounced in the short run. 4 Tables, 1 Appendix, 29 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications, Inc.]

The constructions of deafness and social representations of a deaf child are very complicated and
deeply contested. This paper examines the constructions of deafness and how it has been sociohistorically
framed and re-framed within the parameters of normalcy and deviance. Such analysis may
offer insight on the potential impact of shaping ideology, politics, and what it means to be deaf. This
level of analysis is conducted via an examination of the socio-history of deaf education including discussions
of the ongoing "paradigm wars" between certain social control institutions, mainly American
Sign Language-based (or called English-based) and the oral-based educational institutions and its
implications of language. Examining these two social control institutions will seek to uncover certain
constructions within specific social representations and societal dynamics that may shape the deaf
child's identity, its version of "natural" gifts, social inequality, and ultimately the types of ideologies
constructed toward deaf students. A possible alternative view of reapproprating of the corporeal differences
of deafness is discussed including positive strategies to minimize reproduced social stratification,
oppression, social inequality, and divisions when dealing with deafness.