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THE FIRST PART OF THIS ARTICLE OUTLINED THE HISTORY AND THE GUIDING MILITARY CONCEPTS OF RENAMO (RESISTENCIA NACIONAL MOCAMBICANA) AND RELATED THE WAR OF DESTABILIZATION AGAINST MOZAMBIQUE. THIS CONCLUDING PART ANALYZES DESTABILIZATION AS A SPECIFIC KIND OF WAR WITH ITS ROOTS IN THE COUNTER-INSURGENCY CONCEPT OF "PSEUDO UNITS" WHICH THE BRITISH DEVELOPED IN KENYA. THIS ARTICLE WILL DISCUSS THE KIND OF MECHANISMS AT WORK IN THE RECRUITMENT PROCESS AT THE LOCAL LEVEL AND THE RISK OF A SECOND WAVE OF DESTABILIZATION.

The war in Mozambique has few similarities with any other historically known conventional war. It belongs to specific category which could be called wars of destabilisation. This has a bearing on the peace process which will exhibit various features which will distinguish it from normal patterns of ending wars. This article has two parts: the first outlines the history and the guiding military concepts of Renamo (Resistencia Nacional Mocambicana, MNR) and relates the war of destabilisation against Mozambique; the second analyses destabilisation as a specific kind of war and identifies the role of the pseudo‐guerilla MNR in this war of destabilisation.

War termination, a critical aspect of war, is central to understanding the war process as a whole. Yet, this field of study, which is concerned with how wars can be brought to an end once they have started, remains neglected. Research on this topic, much of which dates back to the 1960s, has included diverse theoretical approaches - from the general to specific. The general approach addresses the forms and consequences of war outcomes, whereas the specific approach is more concerned with particular variables that explain why wars end. This article examines the contributions researchers have made to this field and structures a discussion around three critical, common factors: military dimension; costs; and terms of settlement. The findings show that although there exists no one theory or consensus on why and when wars end, researchers have successfully identified a group of causes. However, the significance of each cause is likely to vary depending on the specific conditions of each war. The article concludes by calling for more research on this topic in the areas of description, explanation, and testing of hypotheses.

The article analyzes the tradition of "beast warriors", specific military ritual associations, in the army of Kyivan Rus during the campaigns of the Kyivan Prince, Sviatoslav I the Brave in the 960s–970s AD. The article states that in the 10th century, the peoples of Northern and Central Europe had factions of "wolf warriors", which stood out as a specific type of infantry and were involved in the most important combats. Legends about werewolves in the Slavic epics and descriptions of berserkers in the Scandinavian sources are analyzed. The intrusion of Normans into the territory of Kyivan Rus, and their participation in the Russo-Khazar and Russo-Byzantine wars of 964–972 is studied. The interactions between Slavic and Scandinavian military traditions, which are reflected in the archaeological findings of the ancient warriors' equipment, are considered. Thus, scabbards of swords with specific images of birds (falcons) and predatory animals, as well as ritual rhyton horns form an example of the interaction of military totem cults and customs between the Slavic and Scandinavian traditions in the 10th century. The "beast-warrior" customs of Kyivan Rus troops' combat style and the actions of separate assault detachments during the Balkan War of 971 (972) AD, mentioned in the Byzantine chronicles, are described in detail. The "beast-warrior" customs of Rus' units and the actions of "wolf warrior" detachments in Prince Sviatoslav's army were based on the totem fighting customs of the Slavic and Scandinavian tribes, as well as their mutual influence due to the involvement of Norman military contingents into the Rus' army during the Great Wars of the 960s and 970s. ; У статті розглядаються традиції «воїнів-звірів», своєрідних військово-ритуальних об'єднань, у військах Київської Русі в період походів київського князя Святослава Ігоровича Хороброго 60–70 рр. X ст. У X ст. в Північній та Центральній Європі загони «воїнів у вовчих шкурах» виокремились в специфічний різновид піхотних військ і задіювалися в найбільш важливих епізодах бойових зіткнень. Аналізуються перекази про вовків-перевертнів у слов'янську епоху та описи воїнів-берсерків у скандинавських джерелах. Досліджується проникнення норманів на терени Київської Русі та їх участь у русько-хозарських та русько-візантійських війнах 964–972 рр. Розглядаються взаємовпливи між слов'янськими та скандинавськими військовими традиціями, що відображені в археологічних знахідках спорядження давніх воїнів. Так, прикладом взаємовпливів військових тотемних культів та звичаїв між слов'янською та скандинавською традиціями в X ст. є наконечники піхов мечів зі своєрідними зображеннями хижих птахів (соколів) та звірів-хижаків, а також ритуальні роги-ритони. Висвітлюються описані у візантійських літописах «звірині» звичаї ведення бою руських військ та дії окремих штурмових загонів під час Балканської війни 971 (972) р. Зазначається, що «звірині» звичаї руських дружин та дії загонів «воїнів у вовчих шкурах» у війську князя Святослава Ігоровича ґрунтувались на тотемних бойових звичаях слов'янських та скандинавських племен, а також їх взаємовпливах внаслідок залучення норманських контингентів до руських військ під час великих війн 60–70 рр. X ст.

The article analyzes the tradition of "beast warriors", specific military ritual associations, in the army of Kyivan Rus during the campaigns of the Kyivan Prince, Sviatoslav I the Brave in the 960s–970s AD. The article states that in the 10th century, the peoples of Northern and Central Europe had factions of "wolf warriors", which stood out as a specific type of infantry and were involved in the most important combats. Legends about werewolves in the Slavic epics and descriptions of berserkers in the Scandinavian sources are analyzed. The intrusion of Normans into the territory of Kyivan Rus, and their participation in the Russo-Khazar and Russo-Byzantine wars of 964–972 is studied. The interactions between Slavic and Scandinavian military traditions, which are reflected in the archaeological findings of the ancient warriors' equipment, are considered. Thus, scabbards of swords with specific images of birds (falcons) and predatory animals, as well as ritual rhyton horns form an example of the interaction of military totem cults and customs between the Slavic and Scandinavian traditions in the 10th century. The "beast-warrior" customs of Kyivan Rus troops' combat style and the actions of separate assault detachments during the Balkan War of 971 (972) AD, mentioned in the Byzantine chronicles, are described in detail. The "beast-warrior" customs of Rus' units and the actions of "wolf warrior" detachments in Prince Sviatoslav's army were based on the totem fighting customs of the Slavic and Scandinavian tribes, as well as their mutual influence due to the involvement of Norman military contingents into the Rus' army during the Great Wars of the 960s and 970s. ; У статті розглядаються традиції «воїнів-звірів», своєрідних військово-ритуальних об'єднань, у військах Київської Русі в період походів київського князя Святослава Ігоровича Хороброго 60–70 рр. X ст. У X ст. в Північній та Центральній Європі загони «воїнів у вовчих шкурах» виокремились в специфічний різновид піхотних військ і задіювалися в найбільш важливих епізодах бойових зіткнень. Аналізуються перекази про вовків-перевертнів у слов'янську епоху та описи воїнів-берсерків у скандинавських джерелах. Досліджується проникнення норманів на терени Київської Русі та їх участь у русько-хозарських та русько-візантійських війнах 964–972 рр. Розглядаються взаємовпливи між слов'янськими та скандинавськими військовими традиціями, що відображені в археологічних знахідках спорядження давніх воїнів. Так, прикладом взаємовпливів військових тотемних культів та звичаїв між слов'янською та скандинавською традиціями в X ст. є наконечники піхов мечів зі своєрідними зображеннями хижих птахів (соколів) та звірів-хижаків, а також ритуальні роги-ритони. Висвітлюються описані у візантійських літописах «звірині» звичаї ведення бою руських військ та дії окремих штурмових загонів під час Балканської війни 971 (972) р. Зазначається, що «звірині» звичаї руських дружин та дії загонів «воїнів у вовчих шкурах» у війську князя Святослава Ігоровича ґрунтувались на тотемних бойових звичаях слов'янських та скандинавських племен, а також їх взаємовпливах внаслідок залучення норманських контингентів до руських військ під час великих війн 60–70 рр. X ст.

Este artículo se propone arrojar luz sobre cómo Francia intentó emanciparse de «la ley» de los Habsburgo de Madrid y valorar en qué medida logró hacerlo entre las décadas de 1630 y 1640. Para ello, examina un espacio político concreto y un escenario de guerra específico, ubicado en el área más occidental del Sacro Imperio: las provincias y frentes de los Países Bajos «españoles». La etapa analizada se intercala entre 1635, el año de la declaración de guerra de Luis XIII a Felipe IV, y 1646, el último en que este monarca afrontó dos guerras en Flandes, pues al siguiente las Provincias Unidas no pusieron sus ejércitos en campaña y las operaciones se desarrollaron únicamente en el frente de Francia. ; This article aims at shedding light on how France attempted to break free from «the law» of the Spanish Habsburgs as well as to assess to what extent it achieved it during the decades of the 1630s and 1640s. In order to do that, it focuses on a concrete political space and a specific war context: the provinces and fronts of the Spanish Low Countries on the Western corner of the Holy Roman Empire. More specifically, this study covers the period between 1635, when Louis XIII declared war against Philip IV, and 1646, the last time the latter faced two wars in Flanders since the army of the United Provinces did not campaigned next year and the military operations took place only on the French front.

How can the current civil wars in the Middle East be resolved? This volume brings together academics, experts, and practitioners to explore this question. The book covers the history of civil wars in the region during the 20th century, and then examines the specific causes, drivers, and dynamics of the ongoing civil wars in Syria, Yemen, Libya, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Updated for a second edition, the book argues that while these are very different cases of civil war, there are patterns that are important to point out at the outset. First, while each of the conflicts appears to be a relatively recent phenomenon, each has a long historical tail. Second, each of the civil wars had deep and complex domestic drivers and dynamics over issues of governance, political identity, and resources; at the same time, all of the conflicts have had deep regional and international components. Finally, all of these civil wars have been affected by the presence or entrance of armed transnational non-state actors, which have had far greater involvement in the Middle Eastern civil wars compared to other regions. The book concludes that these conflicts will require a mixture of local, regional, and international interventions to bring them to an end, but that none of the conflicts are likely to end cleanly through either a negotiated settlement or a clear victory by one party or the other. Despite this pessimistic overall assessment, the book emphasizes that policymakers should use knowledge of civil wars in the Middle East to develop and pursue specific national, regional and global policies. These should be built around mitigating the worst effects of the conflicts and towards ultimate resolution.

A large body of scholarship suggests that economic grievances play an important role in civil wars. But what specific economic activities trigger such grievances, and why would governments not take proactive steps to limit economic grievances in order to stabilize their regimes? This article argues that specific economic activities—those that undermine a producer's ability to exit the formal economy—cause governments to make taxation decisions that, despite the costliness of fighting, increase the likelihood of civil war. An inability for producers to exit the formal economy also undermines regional autonomy deals by encouraging governments to grab short-term rents despite the risk of triggering civil war. After deriving this "redistributive grievance" mechanism by analyzing an infinite-horizon bargaining model with endogenous labor supply and economic production, I address a specific empirical source of such redistributive grievances: oil-rich regions fight separatist civil wars relatively frequently. Capital-intense, geographically concentrated, and immobile oil production corresponds with conditions in the formal model that predict redistributive grievances and war. Moreover, I argue that applying the redistributive grievances mechanism to understanding the oil-separatism relationship also highlights shortcomings of alternative "greed"-based explanations.

News, documentaries and humanitarian campaigns in the mass media have become the source of accounts on the systematic violence perpetrated against women in the DRC since 1996. These accounts, whether political or media, exploit the specific facts regarding these attacks on women's bodies, rarely visibilizing the true impact of sexual violence on women's lives. This has helped shape a standpoint —already to some extent historically consolidated and ensconced in international forums— that identifies Congolese women as passive victims, as mere raped bodies. It is a standpoint that mobilises pity and compassion in the public and generates an immobilist approach to humanitarian intervention and international aid, rather than promoting frameworks in which Congolese women are relevant players in peacebuilding. This article analyses the different narratives circulating on sexual violence from the perspective of the «social body,» rendering visible problems that arise from the abuse of this type of narrative practice. ; Las noticias, los documentales y las campañas mediáticas de la industria humanitaria se han convertido en los principales relatos sobre la violencia sexual sistemática que se ha perpetrado contra las mujeres en la República Democrática del Congo desde el año 1996 hasta el día de hoy. Las narraciones, ya sean políticas o mediáticas, explotan los hechos concretos que tienen que ver con los ataques contra los cuerpos y rara vez dan cuenta del auténtico impacto que tiene la violencia sexual en las vidas de las mujeres, más allá de las lesiones y la enfermedad. Este hecho ha contribuido a forjar la visión, que ya de por sí goza de cierta potencia histórica y está cómodamente instalada en los foros internacionales, que identifica a la mujer congoleña como víctima pasiva, como mero cuerpo violable. Esta visión moviliza la lástima y la compasión en el público general y genera enfoques inmovilistas en los sectores de la ayuda internacional, en lugar de promover marcos que consideren a las mujeres congoleñas como actoras relevantes de transformación social y de construcción de paz. Este artículo analiza las diferentes narrativas que se han puesto a circular sobre la violencia sexual desde la perspectiva de los «cuerpos sociales» con el fin de visibilizar los problemas que surgen del abuso de este tipo de prácticas narrativas.

News, documentaries and humanitarian campaigns in the mass media have become the source of accounts on the systematic violence perpetrated against women in the DRC since 1996. These accounts, whether political or media, exploit the specific facts regarding these attacks on women's bodies, rarely visibilizing the true impact of sexual violence on women's lives. This has helped shape a standpoint —already to some extent historically consolidated and ensconced in international forums— that identifies Congolese women as passive victims, as mere raped bodies. It is a standpoint that mobilises pity and compassion in the public and generates an immobilist approach to humanitarian intervention and international aid, rather than promoting frameworks in which Congolese women are relevant players in peacebuilding. This article analyses the different narratives circulating on sexual violence from the perspective of the «social body,» rendering visible problems that arise from the abuse of this type of narrative practice. ; Las noticias, los documentales y las campañas mediáticas de la industria humanitaria se han convertido en los principales relatos sobre la violencia sexual sistemática que se ha perpetrado contra las mujeres en la República Democrática del Congo desde el año 1996 hasta el día de hoy. Las narraciones, ya sean políticas o mediáticas, explotan los hechos concretos que tienen que ver con los ataques contra los cuerpos y rara vez dan cuenta del auténtico impacto que tiene la violencia sexual en las vidas de las mujeres, más allá de las lesiones y la enfermedad. Este hecho ha contribuido a forjar la visión, que ya de por sí goza de cierta potencia histórica y está cómodamente instalada en los foros internacionales, que identifica a la mujer congoleña como víctima pasiva, como mero cuerpo violable. Esta visión moviliza la lástima y la compasión en el público general y genera enfoques inmovilistas en los sectores de la ayuda internacional, en lugar de promover marcos que consideren a las mujeres congoleñas como actoras relevantes de transformación social y de construcción de paz. Este artículo analiza las diferentes narrativas que se han puesto a circular sobre la violencia sexual desde la perspectiva de los «cuerpos sociales» con el fin de visibilizar los problemas que surgen del abuso de este tipo de prácticas narrativas.

Book outlining the history of the Texas Revolution and a description of Texas geography, with a map, as well as an appendix containing personal accounts and text excerpts about specific events.

Wartime fertility decline and post-war rebound in fertility have been found in both Western societies after the World Wars as well as in war-affected areas in developing countries. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) seems to deviate from this pattern, maintaining a high total fertility rate despite the Congolese wars of 1996-2003 and lingering conflict in East DRC. This study explores the relationship between war and fertility by linking individual reproductive life courses to the occurrence and intensity of war. Geo-referenced conflict data are liked to women's exposure to the risk of a first or subsequent birth. The first birth risk increased during the Congolese war and in the period immediately following. Higher-order birth risks plateaued during the war but decreased thereafter. Taken together, the results are consistent with a postponement and eventual onset of a fertility transition in the DRC.

Wartime fertility decline and post-war rebound in fertility have been found in both Western societies after the World Wars as well as in war-affected areas in developing countries. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) seems to deviate from this pattern, maintaining a high total fertility rate despite the Congolese wars of 1996-2003 and lingering conflict in East DRC. This study explores the relationship between war and fertility by linking individual reproductive life courses to the occurrence and intensity of war. Geo-referenced conflict data are liked to women's exposure to the risk of a first or subsequent birth. The first birth risk increased during the Congolese war and in the period immediately following. Higher-order birth risks plateaued during the war but decreased thereafter. Taken together, the results are consistent with a postponement and eventual onset of a fertility transition in the DRC.

"In a tradition that dates back to the time of Thucydides, and the Peloponnesian War, the systematic examination of conflict and war has long been a preoccupation of political scientists seeking to resolve the enduring question: Why do wars occur? This study directly engages with this question with a specific focus on explaining why the conflict between Iran and Iraq escalated to war in 1980. This conflict led to arguably the longest and one of the more costly conventional wars of the twentieth century"--Preliminary page.