Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Original Title -- Original Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- The Transition to Socialism in China -- Cooperation and Conflict: Cooperative and Collective Formation in China's Countryside -- Village in Transition -- Socialist Development in China -- Maoism, Titoism, Stalinism: Some Origins and Consequences of the Maoist Theory of the Socialist Transition -- Some Ironies of the Maoist Legacy in Industry -- Accumulation, Technology, and China's Economic Development

Part I. Stalin's Script for Anti-Americanism -- 1. The Anti-American Campaign, 1945-1953 -- American Sources of Information and Soviet Interest in the Enemy -- Soviet-American Cultural Encounters in Late Stalinism -- Part II. Khrushchev and the Discourse of Peaceful Coexistence -- From Anti-Americanism to Peaceful Coexistence -- The Paradoxes of Peaceful Coexistence, 1956-1957 -- The Possibilities of Peaceful Coexistence, 1958-1959

For many the ascent of Jiang Zemin to party leader and chairman of the Central Military Commission signals the triumph of orthodox Stalinism. But the announcement by the Central Commission to continue economic reform and not to expel Zhao Ziyang, accompanied by the author's own interviews conducted in November 1989, suggests a much more complicated picture. (SJK)

This article discusses the relation of the eminent Polish historian Władysław Konopczyński (1880–1952) to the newly established communist rule. As president of the Commission of History of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences, the editor-in-chief of the Polish Biographical Dictionary, and one of the few internationally known Polish historians who survived the war, the old Konopczyński enjoyed much prestige among his colleagues and in the Polish academia in general. For this and the other reasons indicated in the paper, the communist authorities choose him as the symbol of the 'bourgeois' scholarship and decided to discredit him and get rid of his person. The paper presents the ways in which the government exercised pressure on the scholar and his colleagues, causing Konopczyński's resignation from all his posts, and depriving him the opportunities to teach and publish. Finally, the moral and practical results of this campaign on the historian's collaborators and colleagues are analysed.

This article discusses the relation of the eminent Polish historian Władysław Konopczyński (1880–1952) to the newly established communist rule. As president of the Commission of History of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences, the editor-in-chief of the Polish Biographical Dictionary, and one of the few internationally known Polish historians who survived the war, the old Konopczyński enjoyed much prestige among his colleagues and in the Polish academia in general. For this and the other reasons indicated in the paper, the communist authorities choose him as the symbol of the 'bourgeois' scholarship and decided to discredit him and get rid of his person. The paper presents the ways in which the government exercised pressure on the scholar and his colleagues, causing Konopczyński's resignation from all his posts, and depriving him the opportunities to teach and publish. Finally, the moral and practical results of this campaign on the historian's collaborators and colleagues are analysed.

The article is concerned with the dissemination of the Stalinist official ideology in Soviet Lithuania in 1944–1957, the manifestations and impact of the personality cult of Stalin on society, and the causes of its late dismantling. In the Stalinist years Lithuania was a new periphery of the USSR that lost no time in taking over the centre "experience" in all spheres, forcibly moved closer to political and social standards of the state whose part it became. Due to the scanty membership of the LCP and the short time period Stalinist ideology proliferation did not acquire "national" specific – propagandists' practical needs were satisfied by short ideological texts translated from Russian and adapted, while the Stalin personality cult, the main component of the period, was also expressed by images flourishing in the Soviet Union and standardized forms, except the original contribution of Lithuanian poets. At the beginning of 1956 the Stalin cult was officially denounced in the USSR, in Soviet Lithuania it was falling into decline slowly and "peacefully", not publicising the crimes committed by the Stalinist system. Respect for this name was expressed until November 1961, i. e., only the removal of Stalin's mummy from the mausoleum in Moscow finally signalled to the leadership of Soviet Lithuania that at last it was necessary to change the names of kolkhozes, streets and newspapers, and to dismantle monuments. Such slow disappearance of the Stalin cult (avoiding criticism of the system itself and not publicising its "shortcomings") helped to suppress public hopes, preserved the regime's stability, and gave time to grasp the direction of the evolution of the system. Slight public interest in future political changes after 1956 shows that the post-war reprisals bore fruit – the situation in Soviet Lithuania was 178 Stalininis režimas Lietuvoje 1944–1953 m. controlled and larger "excesses" were avoided. On the other hand the indifference of Lithuanian society for the future of the SSSR demonstrated that it was not permeated by Soviet ideology and Soviet patriotism. The Stalinist system that was brutally enforced as though "jumped" over the consequent stage of the public indoctrination therefore during later Soviet time it was faced with the weaknesses of its own ideology and the vitality of "bourgeois nationalism".

Returning to Stephen Kotkin'sMagnetic Mountain: Stalinism as a Civilizationalmost two decades after its publication allows us to take stock, from a slight temporal distance, of the reception in our discipline of the work of Michel Foucault.Magnetic Mountainis the one of the books that came out of a project that Kotkin and a number of other students began under Foucault's direction at the University of California, Berkeley in 1983 (p. xviii). Foucault's work in California occurred during a particular turn in his political thinking, a moment when he experimented with liberal alternatives to the left theories of the first decades of his career. Kotkin's book is not simply an application of a general Foucauldianism, but rather of a specific California Foucault.

The article is concerned with the dissemination of the Stalinist official ideology in Soviet Lithuania in 1944–1957, the manifestations and impact of the personality cult of Stalin on society, and the causes of its late dismantling. In the Stalinist years Lithuania was a new periphery of the USSR that lost no time in taking over the centre "experience" in all spheres, forcibly moved closer to political and social standards of the state whose part it became. Due to the scanty membership of the LCP and the short time period Stalinist ideology proliferation did not acquire "national" specific – propagandists' practical needs were satisfied by short ideological texts translated from Russian and adapted, while the Stalin personality cult, the main component of the period, was also expressed by images flourishing in the Soviet Union and standardized forms, except the original contribution of Lithuanian poets. At the beginning of 1956 the Stalin cult was officially denounced in the USSR, in Soviet Lithuania it was falling into decline slowly and "peacefully", not publicising the crimes committed by the Stalinist system. Respect for this name was expressed until November 1961, i. e., only the removal of Stalin's mummy from the mausoleum in Moscow finally signalled to the leadership of Soviet Lithuania that at last it was necessary to change the names of kolkhozes, streets and newspapers, and to dismantle monuments. Such slow disappearance of the Stalin cult (avoiding criticism of the system itself and not publicising its "shortcomings") helped to suppress public hopes, preserved the regime's stability, and gave time to grasp the direction of the evolution of the system. Slight public interest in future political changes after 1956 shows that the post-war reprisals bore fruit – the situation in Soviet Lithuania was 178 Stalininis režimas Lietuvoje 1944–1953 m. controlled and larger "excesses" were avoided. On the other hand the indifference of Lithuanian society for the future of the SSSR demonstrated that it was not permeated by Soviet ideology and Soviet patriotism. The Stalinist system that was brutally enforced as though "jumped" over the consequent stage of the public indoctrination therefore during later Soviet time it was faced with the weaknesses of its own ideology and the vitality of "bourgeois nationalism".

В данной рецензии автор проанализировала достоинства монографии американского ученого о проблемах самоидентификации советской политической элиты и предложила перечень факторов для более детального анализа заявленной проблемы. Очевидно, что проблемы изучения сталинского периода в отечественной истории, по-прежнему, остаются актуальными. Работа Дж. М. Истера продемонстрировала попытку нестандартного взгляда на советское государственное строительство. ; In this review the author analysed the advantages of the monograph of the American scientist about problems of self-identification of the Soviet political elite and offered the list of factors for more detailed analysis of the declared problem. It is obvious that problems of studying of the Stalin period in national history still remain actual. The work of J.M. Easter showed an attempt of a non-standard view of the Soviet state construction.

Not long ago I was discussing before a theatre audience in Philadelphia a performance of 'Our Class', Tadeusz Słobodziański's remarkable theatrical reinterpretation of Jan Gross's pioneering book Neighbors. It helped so very much that the discussion took place after rather than before the performance! It is a great honour to find my book at the centre of this discussion by colleagues, but it would be great vanity on my part to expect that every reader of this exchange will have first read my book. And yet without some general sense of the argument and substance of Bloodlands, I can hardly explain why the four responses are so different each from the other, what underlying concerns unite them, and how they might be answered. The book is a study of all German and Soviet mass killing policies in the lands between the Black and Baltic Seas from south to north and from Smolensk to Poznan from east to west. It begins from the observation that fourteen million non-combatants were deliberately killed in this zone between 1933 and 1945, when both Stalin and Hitler were in power. The figure is very high in its own right, and represents the vast majority of Soviet and German killing. The territory can be defined in terms of the number of murdered, or as the place where the Holocaust was perpetrated, or as the zone touched by both German and Soviet power: all three definitions generate the same map of the bloodlands.

Robert Manne numbers amongst Australia's most influential public intellectuals. Though his politics have moved leftwards, Manne remains critical of the left's so‐called neo‐Stalinist interpretation of Cold War history. Of particular concern is the left's defence of the radical Australian journalist, Wilfred Burchett, who was widely regarded as a communist propagandist and traitor. Manne's 1985 Quadrant essay, "The Fortunes of Wilfred Burchett: A New Assessment", lent considerable academic weight to this view. Though Manne has since acknowledged some errors, he still maintains that Burchett was a communist "hack" and traitor. But Manne's argument remains selectively based and erroneous. It uncritically accepts security‐based intelligence, while sidestepping the abuse of Burchett's civil liberties by Liberal governments. Manne uses and abuses Burchett's life to push his ideological agenda about Stalinism's evils.