The multinational corporations of today are more powerful than are many states. In this paper the author questions the structure of the corporation and its built-in mechanisms of responsibility to the citizens of the state in which it operates. With this in mind, the author examines and compares the organizational structures of corporations versus states. At first sight, the structure of a corporation resembles the structure of the state, however, were we to examine its structural mechanisms of responsibilty, we would come to see that it does not resemble a true democratic state, but rather the structure of a totalitarian one-party state. The structure of a corporation allows for mechanisms of supervision for the realization of shareholders' interests, but as yet has no established mechanisms to elicit legal, responsible, moral action toward all others. ; Multinacionalne korporacije danas su snažnije od brojnih država. U ovom radu želimo istražiti postoje li u strukturi korporacije ugrađeni mehanizmi odgovornosti prema građanima država u kojima djeluju. S tim ciljem razmotrili smo i usporedili organizacijske strukture korporacije i države. Iako je na prvi pogled po svojoj strukturi korporacija nalik strukturi države, pogledamo li ustrojstvene mehanizme odgovornosti, dolazimo do spoznaje da nije nalik pravoj demokratskoj državi, već ustroju totalitarne jednopartijske države. U svojoj strukturi ima mehanizme nadzora ostvarenja interesa dioničara, ali još nema izgrađene mehanizme koji bi je poticali na zakonito, odgovorno i moralno djelovanje prema svima ostalima.
The successive stages of development of constitutional democracy in the USA, in particular the experience of "judicial supervision paradox," show us that the U.S. Supreme Court performed at least two different functions: (1) norm enforcement, & (2) policy-making through re-examination & interpretation of the Constitution & the laws in cases brought before the Court. Dissent among American legal experts related to this & other matters prove that debates on judicial activism are not a thing of the past. Still, both advocates & critics of judicial activism share the view that judges have been an important part of the American constitutional process since its inception. The Marbury v. Madison case (1803) affirmed the institution of judicial supervision & denoted a gradual shift of judicial power into the field of public law. Thus further expansion & transformation of judicial power was made possible. In this article, the author establishes a connection between judicial activism & judicial supervision, & adheres to the standpoint that the "judicializing aspect of modern liberalism" deserves as much attention as any other aspect of democratization. Adapted from the source document.
The text analyzes the ambivalent role of the army in the recent Egyptian revolution and the ensuing process of democratic transition. On the one hand, the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak's regime was a result of the activity of the army, which supported the protesters since the onset of the revolution. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, the military body which has taken over power in Egypt, promises to ensure a peaceful transfer of power within a free and democratic system. On the other hand, some acts of the military authorities in the transitional period suggest that, in the next period of time, precisely the army could become the main blocking factor of the process of democratization. The authors deem that the main goal of the army is not to hold on to power, but to build such a political system in which it would enjoy a privileged position, free from civilian control. In the authors' judgement, if a halt to the process of democratization is to be prevented, the USA must make use of its influence and persuade the military leaders, who are preoccupied with their own reputation among the public, to carry through the initiated reforms. Adapted from the source document.
Cjelokupno predratno, ratno i poratno vrijeme obilovalo je mnoštvom rasprava, veoma različitih promišljanja i brojnih prijedloga različitih uređenja države Bosne i Hercegovine, i pronalaženjem onoga što bi osiguralo njezinu opstojnost, cjelovitost, samo-održivost i učinkovitu funkcionalnost te zadovoljstvo, jednakopravnost i miran suživot tri konstitutivna naroda, nacionalnih manjina i svih njezinih građana. Na tom pitanju sukobljavali su se različiti domaći i međunarodni interesi i ogledala pera mnogih uglednih stručnjaka iz zemlje i svijeta. Ipak, rješenje koje bi zadovoljilo sve, a osobito tri etno-nacionalne politike i politiku međunarodne zajednice, do danas nije pronađeno. Daytonsko rješenje i po njegovoj konstrukciji, a i dvadesetdvogodišnjoj primjeni, nije se pokazalo zadovoljavajućim i konačnim. Naprotiv, država opstaje kao polu-protektorat pod nadzorom i upravom međunarodne zajednice i njezina visokog predstavnika, ali se nalazi u krizi koja se od jednog do drugog događaja povremeno povećava ili smanjuje. I, permanentno traje. Očito je svima jasno da ovakav njezin ekscentričan i neučinkovit ustavno-pravni i administrativno-teritorijalni ustroj nikoga ne zadovoljava, niti jamči miran, siguran i izvjestan europski put. Preustroj države BiH zato je nasušna potreba i svojevrsna nužnost, jer ovako ustrojena i konfliktima bremenita država nije za Europu. Nakon višegodišnjih vlastitih znanstvenih proučavanja, javno testiranih u velikom broju referata na domaćim i međunarodnim skupovima, obznanjenim znanstvenim člancima u brojnim časopisima, objavljenih pet knjiga o Bosni i Hercegovini te drugih javnih istupa, autor je došao do vlastitoga uvjerenja da se do zajedničkoga rješenja može doći samo međusobnim otvorenim dijalogom, uz posredovanje i medijatorsku ulogu međunarodne zajednice i njezinih stručnjaka, te da bi najbolje rješenje za otvoreno "hrvatsko pitanje", ali ujedno najpovoljnije kompromisno rješenje za sve bilo - federativna država Bosna i Hercegovina s tri republike i tri razine lokalne samouprave. Alternativa je životarenje u postojećem, totalni protektorat, ili raspad države s obveznim i neizbježnim međusobno trajnim sukobljavanjem. Kao osoba koja je proživjela dva rata i kao znanstvenik s preko četrdeset godina iskustva, autor u radu ukazuje na ključne uzroke kriznoga stanja, moguće katastrofalne posljedice zadržavanja postojećeg, upitnost uspješnosti europskoga puta i sigurnost europske perspektive države, njezinih naroda i građana. ; The pre-war time in Bosnia and Herzegovina, just like the war and post-war time were abundant with debates, different views and numerous proposals for the state structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was supposed to secure the country's survival, integrity, self-sustainability and efficient functioning, as well as peaceful co-existence of the three constitutive nations, national minorities and all the citizens. Various local and international interests were conflicting in the debates. However, no matter how many prominent local and international experts gave their contribution, a win-win solution has not been found yet, the one which would be satisfying for everyone, especially for the three ethnical national policies and the policy of the international community. Today, after twenty-two years of applying the Dayton solution, it is obvious that it is not satisfactory and may not be considered final indeed. On the contrary, with this solution, the country has been functioning as a half-protectorate, under supervision and management of the international community and the High Representative, appointed by the international community, however in a permanent, deeper or somewhat less deep crisis, but always in crisis. Obviously, this eccentric and entirely inefficient constitutional-legal and administrative-territorial structure is not satisfying for anyone, neither it may lead the country onto a peaceful, safe and certain accession path to Europe. Therefore, reorganisation of the state is an absolute must and also a duty, because the country with such state structure and torn with conflicts is not suitable for Europe. After years of scientific researches, participation in numerous local and international scientific conferences, numerous published articles, five published books on Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author came to a conclusion that the best solution for all involved parties may be found only through an open dialogue, with support and mediation of the international community and its experts. The best solution for the open "Croat issue", but also the best compromise solution for everyone would be a federative state of Bosnia and Herzegovina with three republics and three levels of local self-government. The only two alternatives to this solution are either to merely vegetate in the current situation, resp. to keep the full protectorate or the dissolution of the state, which necessarily involves permanent conflicts. The author, who survived two wars and has more than forty years of experience in scientific work, points out to main causes of the actual crisis, potential disastrous consequences of keeping the status quo, disputability of the success of the accession path to Europe and security of the perspective of a European state and its nations and citizens.
Specifična grupa institucija koje kontroliraju upravu – neovisna kontrolna tijela (NKT) – djeluju kao produžena ruka zakonodavca, a time i građana, u nadzoru nad javnom upravom i nositeljima političke vlasti. Uz neovisnu poziciju u institucionalnom pejzažu, njihova je posebnost u tome da im zakonodavac daje određene kontrolne ovlasti nad subjektima nadzora, a u osnovi svog postupanja imaju načelo transparentnosti koje omogućuje građanima informiranje o rezultatima njihova rada. One su dio suvremenog institucionalnog razvoja demokratskih država, pa tako i Hrvatske, koja je u procesu pristupanja Europskoj uniji i sama uspostavila ili unaprijedila NKT kako bi osigurala kontrolu nad upravom i ojačala suzbijanje korupcije. Analiza četiriju NKT-a – Državnog ureda za reviziju, Državne komisije za kontrolu postupaka javne nabave, Povjerenstva za odlučivanje o sukobu interesa te Povjerenika za informiranje, pokazuje da su neovisna i odgovorna, ali da među njima postoje razlike u institucionalnom dizajnu s obzirom na vrijeme i kontekst u kojem su nastala. ; The independent control of bodies or ICB (NKT) which is a specific group of institutions controlling administration, act like an extension of the legislator and citizen in the supervision of public administration and bearers of political powers. Together with their independent position in the institutional landscape, their peculiarity lies in the legislator giving them certain control powers over subjects of supervision. At the foundation of their activity is the principle of transparency which gives citizens information on the results of their work. They are part of the modern institutional development of democratic states including Croatia, which during the process of entering the European Union independently established or improved ICB (NKT) to ensure control over administration and strengthened combatting corruption. Analysis of the four ICBs (NKT) – the Government Audit Office, State Commissions for controlling public procurement procedures, Boards for deciding on conflict of interest and Commissioners for informing show that they are independent and accountable. However, among them differences exist in institutional design given the time and context in which they came about.
Neprofitne organizacije obuhvaćaju sve udruge, zaklade, ustanove, sindikate i sve ostale pravne osobe čije se djelovanje ne temelji na ostvarenju profita za osnivače istih već u svrhu zadovoljenja potreba društva koje nisu mogle biti ostvarene od strane države ili privatnog sektora. Radi transparentnijeg djelovanja, ovaj sektor svoje djelovanje uređuje sukladno odredbama Zakona o financijskom poslovanju i računovodstvu neprofitnih organizacija (Narodne novine 121/14) te ostalim zakonskim i ostalim pravnim aktima koji se temelje na spomenuti Zakon a koji uređuju pitanja svakog od oblika neprofitnih organizacija. Odredbe se tiču pravilnog osnivanja svakog oblika neprofitnih organizacija, upisa u matične registre i sam Registar neprofitnih organizacija, pravila računovodstvenog praćenja poslovnih podataka, postupka sastavljanja i objave financijskih izvještaja te postupak provođenja nadzora nad radom svake pojedine neprofitne organizacije. ; Non profit organizations include all associations, foundations, institutions, syndicates and all other legal entities whose activities are not based on the realization of profits for the founders of the same but for the purpose of satisfying the needs of society that could not be realized by the state or private sector In order to transparent operations, the sector regulates their activities in accordance with the Law of the financial operations and accounting of nonprofit organizations, and other laws and other legal acts which are based on the Law and regulating questions of each of the forms of nonprofit organizations. The provisions concerning the proper establishment of any form nonprofit organization, registered in the main register and the Register of nonprofit organizations, the rules of accounting of business data, the process of preparation and publication of financial statements and the procedure of exercising supervision over the work of each nonprofit organizations.
Neprofitne organizacije obuhvaćaju sve udruge, zaklade, ustanove, sindikate i sve ostale pravne osobe čije se djelovanje ne temelji na ostvarenju profita za osnivače istih već u svrhu zadovoljenja potreba društva koje nisu mogle biti ostvarene od strane države ili privatnog sektora. Radi transparentnijeg djelovanja, ovaj sektor svoje djelovanje uređuje sukladno odredbama Zakona o financijskom poslovanju i računovodstvu neprofitnih organizacija (Narodne novine 121/14) te ostalim zakonskim i ostalim pravnim aktima koji se temelje na spomenuti Zakon a koji uređuju pitanja svakog od oblika neprofitnih organizacija. Odredbe se tiču pravilnog osnivanja svakog oblika neprofitnih organizacija, upisa u matične registre i sam Registar neprofitnih organizacija, pravila računovodstvenog praćenja poslovnih podataka, postupka sastavljanja i objave financijskih izvještaja te postupak provođenja nadzora nad radom svake pojedine neprofitne organizacije. ; Non profit organizations include all associations, foundations, institutions, syndicates and all other legal entities whose activities are not based on the realization of profits for the founders of the same but for the purpose of satisfying the needs of society that could not be realized by the state or private sector In order to transparent operations, the sector regulates their activities in accordance with the Law of the financial operations and accounting of nonprofit organizations, and other laws and other legal acts which are based on the Law and regulating questions of each of the forms of nonprofit organizations. The provisions concerning the proper establishment of any form nonprofit organization, registered in the main register and the Register of nonprofit organizations, the rules of accounting of business data, the process of preparation and publication of financial statements and the procedure of exercising supervision over the work of each nonprofit organizations.
Cilj je ovoga rada razmotriti je li Hrvatskoj potrebna institucionalna reforma upravnosudskog sustava te koje alternative Hrvatskoj stoje na raspolaganju odluči li se za ovu reformu. Rad je podijeljen u pet dijelova. Nakon uvodnog dijela u kojem autor općenito problematizira o važnosti sudskog nadzora zakonitosti rada uprave i upravnog spora, analizira se stanje institucionalnog ustroja upravnog spora u Hrvatskoj danas. Zatim se razmatraju modeli ustroja upravnog spora u nekim europskim državama te se nastoji utvrditi postoji li jedinstveni europski model institucionalnog ustroja upravnog sudstva. Slijedi prikaz mogućih reformskih alternativa ukoliko se Hrvatska za takvu reformu odluči. U zaključku, autor sumira analiziranu problematiku te modele njezinog mogućeg prevladavanja. ; The aim of this paper is to examine whether Croatia needs institutional reform of the administrative judicial system and which alternatives Croatia has at its disposal if it decides upon this reform. This paper is divided into fi ve parts. After the introductory part, in which the author generally problematises the importance of judicial supervision of the legality of the work of administration and administrative dispute resolution, the state of the institutional structure of administrative dispute resolution in Croatia today is analysed. Then, organisational models of administrative dispute resloution in certain European countries are considered and an attempt is made at trying to establish whether a unitary European model of institutional organisation of administrative judiciary exists. An analysis of possible reform alternatives follows in so far as Croatia decides on such reform. In the conclusion, the author summarises the analysis of the problem areas and models of its possible prevalence.
U radu se na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva istražuje jedan aspekt kulturne politike Jugoslavije i Hrvatske prema iseljeništvu – gostovanja glazbenih umjetnika i kulturno-umjetničkih društava u zemljama iseljavanja 60-ih i 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. U kratkom prikazu iseljeničke službe na saveznoj i republičkoj razini daje se uvid u njezinu ulogu u formiranju i realiziranju te nadzor nad tim dijelom kulturne politike. Nastojanje Jugoslavije da ostvari organizacijski i ideološki nadzor nad tim aktivnostima dodatno je ilustriran primjerima dvojice hrvatskih popularnih pjevača – Ive Robića i Vice Vukova. ; Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially 'temporary workers abroad', has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the 'Seventh Republic', and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia's efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.
Djelatnost neprofitnih organizacija usmjerena je javnom interesu. Organizirana je u većini slučajeva kroz pravni oblik udruga i u funkciji je pružanja usluga neprofitnog karaktera. Financijsko poslovanje i računovodstvo neprofitnih organizacija uređeno je Zakonom o financijskom poslovanju i računovodstvu neprofitnih organizacija te pripadajućim pravilnicima. Zbog porasta broja neprofitnih organizacija, a time i povećane potrošnje javnog novca dolazi do većih kontrola i nadzora poslovanja. U tom kontekstu, zakonom je određena i obveza dostave financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija nadležnom tijelu te njihova objava kroz Registar neprofitnih organizacija vođenim od strane Ministarstva financija. Predmet rada je prikaz računovodstvenog okvira s naglaskom na specifičnosti djelatnosti sportskih udruga. U radu je istražena djelatnost i financiranje sportskih udruga te je na primjeru udruge, Školskog sportskog saveza Grada Zagreba prezentirana primjena tog zakonskog okvira s naglaskom na izvore financiranja, računovodstvo i sadržaj financijskog izvještavanja. ; The activities of non-profit organizations are focused on the public interest. In the most cases, non-profit organizations are organized through the legal form of the association and in the function of providing non-profit services. The financial operations and accounting of non-profit organizations are regulated by the Law on Financial Operations and Accounting of Non-Profit Organizations, which belong to the associated regulations. Due to the increase in the number of non-profit organizations and thus increase in the spending of public money, it leads to greater controls and supervision of business. In this context, the law also states the obligation to submit financial reports of non-profit organizations to the competent body for their publication through the Register of non-profit organizations maintained by the Ministry of Finance. The subject of the paper is the presentation of the accounting framework with an emphasis on the specifics of the ...
Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastala je u početcima otvorene velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku, ali i usred krize strateško-obrambene koncepcije. Tuđmanova politika čekanja i kupovanja vremena te izbjegavanja frontalnog i općeg sukoba s JNA, doveli su do javnog kritiziranja njegove obrambene politike od strane oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. U okolnostima sveobuhvatne agresije i, prema nekim navodima, očekivanja raskola u hrvatskoj politici, sredinom srpnja počela je rekonstrukcija postojeće Vlade. Novi mandatar Franjo Gregurić okupljao je kadrove za sastavljanje Vlade, a u tom razdoblju javila se ideja o potrebi proširenja Vlade i nekim nestranačkim kandidatima pa i predstavnicima oporbe. U samo dva-tri dana pregovora postignut je nacionalni konsenzus i potpisan Sporazum saborskih stranaka, čime je stvorena Vlada demokratskog jedinstva. Vlada se sastojala od devet parlamentarnih stranaka, od kojih je osam imalo svoje predstavnike u Vladi. Unatoč činjenici da je 1990-ih godina u Hrvatskoj na snazi bio polupredsjednički sustav koji je predsjedniku Republike davao prilično široke ovlasti, Vlada je na području obrambene i vanjske politike pokazivala određeni stupanj samostalnosti. Prema nekim tvrdnjama Vrhovno državno vijeće je ograničavalo slobodu djelovanja Vlade tako da se za svog jednogodišnjeg mandata Vlada trebala često boriti za veću samostalnost i slobodu djelovanja. S druge strane, Vlada je imala potpunu slobodu u unutarnjim poslovima, primjerice u njezinoj politici prema prognanicima i izbjeglicama, kao i u gospodarskoj politici. Unatoč tvrdnjama o "nestanku" oporbe u vrijeme te višestranačke vlade, s obzirom na to da su potpisivanjem Sporazuma o Vladi demokratskog jedinstva saborske stranke od oporbenih formalno postale koalicijske, dostupni izvori navode na drukčiji zaključak. Naime, predstavnici pojedinih oporbenih i ujedno koalicijskih stranaka od listopada 1991. godine često su kritizirali neke odluke vlasti, koje su se posebno odnosile na vanjsku politiku. Predmet njihovih kritika bile su ujedno Vladine i Tuđmanove uredbe sa zakonskom snagom. Vlada je posljednjih šest mjeseci svog mandata bila izložena pritiscima oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. Međunarodno priznanje Hrvatske i priprema za nove parlamentarne i predsjedničke izbore uzrokovali su pritiske na Vladu demokratskog jedinstva, što se prije svega očitovalo u odlascima određenih nestranačkih i oporbenih ministara, a kasnije dovelo i do velike travanjske rekonstrukcije Vlade u kojoj je u znatnoj mjeri promijenjen njezin sastav u korist HDZ-a. Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastavila je djelovati do kolovoza, kad je nakon novih parlamentarnih izbora formirana nova, jednostranačka HDZ-ova vlada. ; After the democratic elections in Croatia in the spring of 1990 and the victory of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the new Croatian Government faced the Serbian insurgency which expressed approval for the Milošević's Greater-Serbian policy. The insurgency was supported by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) that had disarmed Croatia just after the elections in May 1990. In the summer of 1991, the Yugoslav crisis aggravated. Previous occasional and sporadic conflicts between Croatian police forces and the Serbian insurgents escalated into the open aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and JNA against Croatia. In such conditions, Croatian leadership was conflicted about the defense policy. The disagreement caused the appearance of some fractions in the parliament parties, especially in HDZ. Some participants of Croatian politics in the early 1990s today assert that there were at least two main fractions in HDZ – the "moderate" one that supported Tuđman's policy based on avoiding head-on conflict with JNA, and the "radical" one that wanted to declare JNA and Serbia the aggressors on Croatia and to fight back. Some claim that the "radical" fraction even wanted to bring down Tuđman and replace him with someone else. There isn't enough evidence to verify such statements. It probably was the case of dissatisfaction with the situation on the battlefield. Some write about wide discontent and criticism of Tuđman regarding his defense policy, which was evident at the meetings of the main Board of HDZ in the middle of July, Supreme State Council in the end of July and parliamentary session in the beginning of August 1991. Regarding the attitude towards Tuđman, there is a widespread and simplified opinion that his party turned its back on him and that the opposition expressed him support. Exactly the opposite, the opposition, especially heads of the parties Croatian Social-Liberal Party (HSLS), Croatian democratic party (HDS), and Croatian People's party (HNS) expressed equal, or even more severe, criticism of Tuđman's defense policy. In that kind of atmosphere, the reconstruction of the Government resulted in the national consensus – Democratic Unity Government was formed. It was the third democratic Government and the first multiparty Government after the democratic elections. It is an example of a Grand coalition formed during the war in many countries. The main goal of the new Government was to create more effective defense policy that would gather all the necessary political and military structures and establish the unified command structure. That resulted in entering of the Crisis Staff into the Government and forming of the General Staff of the Croatian Army. In the first two months of its mandate, the Government proposed and adopted measures for emergency readiness in order to organize life in the crisis areas. One of those measures included the blockade of the JNA barracks which Tuđman approved September 13 1991. With the blockade, the previous measured and careful attitude of the Croatian leadership towards JNA shifted from passive to active. One part of the research discussed the role of the Government in defense of the cities of Vukovar and Dubrovnik. Regarding Vukovar, there are some controversies embodied in widespread claims that Croatian leadership "betrayed" and "sacrificed" Vukovar by not sending enough weaponry and ammunition. However, available sources, primarily transcripts and records of the Government sessions, suggest that Vukovar was the priority in the supply of weaponry and ammunition. Furthermore, some members of the Government and other representatives of the Croatian leadership visited Vukovar and Eastern-Slavonian battlefield. In the context of all the crisis areas on the Croatian battlefield, Vukovar was the most dominant topic at the Government sessions. At the session held November 17, the Government adopted a series of decisions pertaining to the protection of Vukovar civilians. In the appeals to the international organizations, Vukovar and Dubrovnik were the two most mentioned cities. As was the case with Vukovar, the Government sent weaponry and other military equipment, transported humanitarian aid to Dubrovnik and appealed for help. It is worth mentioning convoy "Libertas" which supplied humanitarian aid to the surrounded Dubrovnik and broke the naval blockade. Also, some Government members came by the convoy to Dubrovnik to show their support. At the end of November 1991, Government sent three of its ministers to Dubrovnik where they had to represent the Government and facilitate its operation in Southern Dalmatia, maintain contacts with the international organizations, negotiate with the JNA representatives and maintain communication with the Croatian Army. The three ministers Davorin Rudolf, Petar Kriste and Ivan Cifrić were situated in Dubrovnik during its heaviest attack and the day after they agreed to a truce with the JNA representatives. The Government supported the negotiations between the city military and civil representatives and JNA because it wanted to procrastinate with the attacks and buy some time to strengthen the military and international position of Croatia. On the other hand, the Government and Tuđman strongly opposed to intentions of "demilitarization" of Dubrovnik which would surrender its arms to the JNA under the supervision of representatives of the international community, i.e. surrender of the city to the aggressor. Second most important task of the Government was the struggle for international recognition. The establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs showed all the problems of the political structures that young democratic state had to face. Such problems refer to lack of experience as well as technical and financial resources. The Government cooperated with the European Community and the United Nations. Although, Tuđman was the designer of the Forreign Affairs and the Government often had to put into action his decisions, during the Conference of peace in Hague it showed some differentiation, such as declaring it would abort the attending of the Conference unless JNA left Croatia. After the arms embargo in September 1991, the Croatian Government deprived of the right of representation of Croatia in the UN Budimir Lončar and Darko Šilović, due to their role in instigating the decision of the UN regarding embargo. The Government Memorandum, addressed to ministerial Council of the EC in November 22, stated that economic sanctions of the Roman declaration of November 8 would affect mostly Croatia. Such view showed a certain degree of independence of the Democratic Unity Government. The Government accepted the Vance plan but argued the methods of its implementation. The activity of the Government in Forreign Affairs reflects in numerous official and unofficial meetings and encounters with various politicians and statesmen. The main task of the Government members was to appeal to stop the war and recognize Croatia, but they also had to struggle against Serbian propaganda which spread lies about rehabilitation of Ustasha and Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and portrayed president Tuđman and the Croatian Government as anti-Semitic. In that context, some think that the Croatian Government and leadership in general, provided insufficient to the international public. In this research, I also analyzed social politics of the Democratic Unity Government, that is, politics towards Croatian displaced persons and refugees as well as Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees during 1991 and 1992. At the very beginning of the aggression against Croatia, new Croatian Government had to face refugee crisis. Forcible relocations of the Croatian civilians, among which some moved into safe areas in Croatia, while others left the country, induced Government to, with the term "refugee", which refers to those persons who had to emigrate their own country, introduce another one – "displaced persons", which referred to those civilians who hadn't left Croatia, only were displaced to some other territory within the country. Government also adopted some measures to secure accommodation for the displaced persons and refugees by emptying hotels and resorts and founding of the Office for the displaced persons and refugees in November 1991. Funds for the displaced persons and refugees Government secured mostly from the state budget, while all requests for financial help from the international community were unsuccessful. Consequently, in that period Croatia funded also Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees from its budget, while the international community helped only with humanitarian help. In this chapter the Government activity in prevention of persecution of the civilian population was discussed through several examples. In that aspect, its activities were mostly limited to addressing the international community. In the case of Ilok, from where in October 1991 approximately 10.000 people were banished, Government founded the Commission of the Parliament and Government to try to stop the persecution, but it failed to achieve its goal, since the persecution had already begun. After the fall and occupation of Vukovar in November 1991, the Government organized evacuation of approximately 15.000 people, but it was carried out only partially. The Government didn't have control over the war zone, which means that its opportunities for safe and efficient evacuation were highly limited. One of the main plans for the displaced persons and refugees was Government's Return Program, which began its realization only after the end of the war and peaceful reintegration of Podunavlje in 1998. Economic politics of the Democratic Unity Government was reflected in its independence from Serbia. Following measures and decisions of the previous Croatian Government, on the day of its establishment, Democratic Unity Government broke off economic relations with Serbia, however only partially. Those companies with strong business ties with some companies in Serbia, had liberty to continue their cooperation. The export to Serbia and Montenegro was limited only to some "strategic" raw materials and products, such as petroleum. The Government also introduced its own currency, hrvatski dinar (HRD). One of the main achievements of the Government was that it avoided the transit to "war economy", in spite of the increased military spending. Since priority of the Croatian Government was determined by war, its activities gravitated towards repair of the enormous war damage in transport, utility and residential infrastructure. In the end of 1991 the Government established the Ministry of Reconstruction, while in the first half of 1992 the Government composed the Reconstruction Program and its Financial Plan that was adopted by the Croatian Parliament in June 1992. Nevertheless, because of the status quo imposed by the UNPROFOR, located on the occupied territories in Croatia, the reconstruction of the country began after the war had ended in 1995. Analyzed activities of the Government in the Defense policy, Foreign Affairs, as well as its Social and Economic policy raise the question of the Government's independence regarding Tuđman and Croatian Parliament. Considering the semi-presidential system, the Government was the executive authority of the president of the Republic and Croatian Parliament. Government also had legislative powers authorized by the Parliament, because in the wartime a great number of important decisions had to be made in a very short amount of time. The Government was not only the executive body of the President, but it also functioned as his close associate. That manifests mostly through the measures for emergency readiness in August and September 1991. Sometimes, the Government had to step out of its Constitutional powers if developments on the battlefield required it to, for example regarding the decisions about Vukovar, November 17 1991. Regarding activities of the Government in the researched areas, it can be concluded that Democratic Unity Government had a high level of autonomy, taking into account the existing semi-presidential system. Nevertheless, the powers of the Government were limited in the Defense policy and Forregin Affairs, while on the other hand, it had complete autonomy in Internal Affairs, in this case, in its Social and Economic politics. An issue that requires special consideration in this research regards the opposition in Croatia during the mandate of the Democratic Unity Government. Some claim that with forming of the multiparty Government, the opposition in Croatia "disappeared". The remark is understandable considering that all the parliament parties signed the Agreement of Democratic Unity Government, which marked their transition from the opposition to coalition partners. But, did the opposition really "disappeared" form Croatian political life? Numerous public appearances of various representatives of opposition parties and parties in general, indicate otherwise. Activity of the opposition at the Parliament sessions from October 1991 to May and June 1992 shows agility of the opposition life in Croatia. From the beginning of the Democratic Unity Government in August till October, the opposition parties didn't raise any questions in public about some decisions of the Croatian leadership, but from October began severe criticism towards Tuđman and the Government. Discontent was expressed primarily to the acceptance of the Carrington's arrangement in Hague. Criticism of Foreign Affairs arose also after the acceptance of the Vance plan. In the last six months of its mandate, the Government was exposed to various pressures from the opposition and from one part of the HDZ, which reinforced especially after the international recognition at the beginning of 1992. Some opposition and nonpartisan ministers left the Government, whereas in April 1992 there was the reconstruction of the Government which changed significantly the personnel composition of the Government, resulting in the increase of the HDZ members. It was obvious that it was not the exact same Government from the beginning of August 1991 and that its end was near. In the new elections held August 2 1992, the HDZ defeated its opponents and ten days later, new, One-party Government was formed. Establishment and presented activities of the Democratic Unity Government is the proof of the democratic system in Republic of Croatia at the beginning of 1990s and counter-argument for theses about Tuđman's authoritarian style of rule. A multiparty Government, whose prominent members were opposition representatives, couldn't have been formed in an undemocratic or authoritarian system. Forming of the Grand Coalition merely one year after HDZ had won the elections, provides a valuable contribution to the study of Tuđman's policy, shows larger picture of the Croatian leadership and opens the door for further research of Croatian political life in the early 1990s.
Obilježavajući 250-tu obljetnicu šumarstva u Hrvatskoj kroz mnogobrojna događanja i aktivnosti, naznačene u programu objavljenom u Zapisniku 4. sjednice Upravnog i Nadzornog odbora HŠD-a u Šumarskome listu 11-12/2014., svoj doprinos ovoj značajnoj obljetnici nastojali smo dati i u ovoj rubrici.U dvobroju 1-2/2015. tekstom "Lutanja u gospodarenju privatnim šumama" ukazali smo na neke probleme u gospodarenju tim šumama, koristeći se i tekstovima iz povijesti šumarstva. Naime, mogli bismo reći da se tim problemima prilazi kao da se radi o zanemarivoj površini, a zapravo je to više od 1/5 površina šuma u Hrvatskoj, za koju također vrijedi Zakon o šumama, što se nažalost zaboravlja. Posebno smo ukazali na nekontrolirane sječe i "haračenje" bez učinkovitog nadzora i mjera suzbijanja takvoga stanja, te bez jasnih zakonskih podloga za kažnjavanje odnosnih sudionika. Još jednom se ukazuje na potrebu udruživanja malih privatnih šumo-posjednika, čime bi se izbjeglo dosadašnje gospodarenje na razini čestice i osigurala mogućnost lakšeg gospodarenja u duhu ZOŠ-a, te mogućnost učinkovitijeg korištenja EU fondova.U dvobroju 3-4/2015. ukazujemo na sve očitiji odmak od načela potrajnog gospodarenja i upravljanja šumom kao obnovljivim resursom i najsloženijim ekosustavom, poistovjećujući ga sve više s "tvorničkom halom". U svrhu proizvodnje najveće kvalitete i kvantitete drvnih sortimenata, potrebno je maksimalno korištenje potencijala šumskog staništa, ali strogo se držeći načela potrajnog gospodarenja, jer bi njegova degradacija vodila u katastrofu. Stoga je neophodno da cijelim procesom upravljanja i terenskog rada rukovode i nadziru ga "teoretično i praktično naobraženo gospodarstveno osoblje". Ako je proklamirani cilj gospodarenja proizvodnja najvrjednije drvne mase, onda i njeno korištenje mora biti racionalno, usmjereno ponajprije na domaći visoko finalizirani proizvod, koji uz financijski rezultat osigurava i visoku zaposlenost.U dvobroju 5-6/2015. uz "pomoć" teksta "Državni ispiti za samostalno vođenje šumskog gospodarstva" iz Šumarskoga lista 1880. i 1881. godine, osvrnuli smo se na važnost stručnog upravljanja i gospodarenja šumama, zalažući se ponajprije za stručno, a ne političko kadroviranje. Ističe se, kako nije dovoljno imati samo odgovarajuću stručnu spremu, nego je potrebno postepeno stjecanje praktičnih znanja i iskustva za rukovođenje šumskog gospodarstva. Tako osposobljeni šumarski kadrovi imaju svoj limit. "Ne ima svatko sposobnosti, da ono bude, što hoće, i uz najbolju volju može se dogoditi, da komu njegove vlastite naravne sposobnosti reknu: dovde i ne dalje. Ne treba tumačenja, da uslied ovakovih pogrešaka trpi ponajprije šuma".U dvobroju 7-8/2015., također uz "pomoć" teksta iz Šumarskoga lista iz 1895. godine, povlačeći paralelu s današnjicom, skrenuli smo pozornost na već tada traženu stručnu i organizacijsku sposobnost šumarskoga kadra na najodgovornijim radnim mjestima u šumarskim institucijama, ponajprije "nadšumara, protustavnika i šumara (upravitelja šumarije)". Zaključak, kako uz postepeno stručno usavršavanje kroz praksu "poštenje je kruna vrlina čovjeka, kojemu su povjereni milijuni narodnog imetka" i danas bi trebalo biti sastavnica etičkog profila šumarskoga stručnjaka.Riječ Uredništva "Jesmo li iz povijesti nešto naučili" iz dvobroja 9-10/2015., kako čujemo "uzbudila je duhove", a mi smo samo "pušuć i na hladno" uz primjer iz povijesti upozorili na ono što bi se moglo dogoditi osnivanjem većinske privatne tvrtke Hrvatsko drvo d.o.o., s udjelom od 25 % Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. kao suosnivača. Razvidno je, da je tema bila pogođena.Kako "nada umire posljednja", i mi se u idućoj godini nadamo boljitku i adekvatnom vrednovanju šumarske struke na svim razinama. S tom željom svim čitateljima Šumarskoga lista želimo Čestit Božić te sretnu i uspješnu 2016. godinu. Uredništvo ; The 250th anniversary of forestry in Croatia was marked by a number of events and activities set down in the Minutes of the 4th meeting of the CFA Managing and Supervisory Board and published in Forestry Journal 11-12/2014. Our column has also tried to give a contribution to this grand anniversary.In the double issue I-2/2015, the text "Disorientation in private forest management" highlights some problems in the management of these forests. Some tests from the history of forestry were also used to reinforce the problem matter. It could almost be said that the problems are treated as if the area in question was almost negligible, while in fact private forests account for one fifth of the forested area in Croatia and are governed by the Law on Forests, a fact often forgotten. We particularly pointed to uncontrolled felling operations and "pillage" and to lack of efficient supervision, measures of preventing such activities and clear legal bases for the punishment of perpetrators. A renewed plea was made for small private forest owners to unify in order to avoid management at the level of a plot, make management easier in line with the Law on Forests and ensure the possibility of more efficient use of EU funds.The double issue 3-4/2015 is concerned with a growing shift away from the principle of sustainable management and planning of forests as a renewable resource and the most complex ecosystem, as well as with the treatment of this system as a "factory hall". In order to achieve the best quality and quantity of wood assortments, it is necessary to make maximum possible use of forest site potential, at the same time taking care that the principles of sustainable management are strictly adhered to, since its degradation would lead to catastrophe. It is therefore essential that the entire process of management and field work is undertaken and supervised by "highly educated management personnel who posses theoretical and practical knowledge for useful and sustainable management of forests". If the proclaimed goal of management is to produce the most valuable wood mass, then its use should also be rational and directed primarily to domestic highly finalized product, which guarantees not only financial gains but also high employment.In the double issue 5-6/2015, drawing on the text "State exams for independent management of a forest enterprise" from Forestry Journal of 1880 and 1881, we tackled the importance of expert forest planning and management and advocated professionally based rather than politically based selection of personnel. It is not sufficient to possess adequate school credentials: what is necessary it to gradually gain practical knowledge and experience for the management of a forest enterprise. Even forest personnel trained in such a way have their limits. Not everybody is capable of being what he wants to be; try as hard as one might, one's own natural abilities tell you: you can get no further than this. Needless to say, it is the forest that suffers the most in the aftermath of such errors".The double issue 7-8/2015, also using the text from Forestry Journal of 1895, draws a parallel with the present time and highlights expert and organisational abilities of the forest personnel in the most responsible work places in forestry institutions. This refers primarily to county foresters, accountants and foresters (chief forest managers). As in the past, gradual specialized education through practice, combined with "honesty as the crown virtue of a person who has been entrusted with the wealth of national property", should constitute the ethical profile of a forestry expert today as well.The Editorial "Have we learnt something from history" in the double issue 9-10/2015, as we hear, has "stirred up the ghosts"; however, what we only attempted, just to be on the safe side, was to use some historical examples to warn of what might happen if a major private company Hrvatsko Drvo Ltd is founded, with 25% share of Hrvatske Šume Ltd as a co-founder. Clearly, the topic hit the target.As we all know, "hope dies last", so we truly hope that the forestry profession will be improved and adequately evaluated at all levels in the year to come. With this in mind, we would like to wish all the readers of Forestry Journal Merry Christmas and Happy and Successful New Year 2016.Editorial Board