Harvey F. Kline. State Building and Conflict Resolution in Colombia, 1986-1994. Tuscaloosa/London: The University of Alabama Press 1999. 240 páginas. Últimamente el conflicto interno de Colombia llama la atención de reputados politólogos norteamericanos que anteriormente se habían dedicado a la investigación de la democracia más estable de América Latina, cuyos pilares son los dos partidos políticos centristas, el ejercicio militar y los gremios económicos. Harvey F. Kline es uno de ellos, pero a diferencia de otros, en sus textos siempre ha prevalecido la preocupación por las deficiencias del sistema político respecto a los derechos humanos, la policía y la justicia. Su último estudio, titulado State Building and Conflict Resolution in Colombia, 1986-1994, se centra en la ingobernabilidad colombiana. Ello resulta de la incapacidad y escasa voluntad de la clase dirigente de resolver los conflictos del país.
The Welfare State´s construction in capitalist of democratic countries the post-World War II European must be understood as part of a modernizing process of societies. The Welfare State created by European democracies is therefore distinguished from authoritarian, fascist, or communist state models. The corporatist Estado Novo, which was in force in Portugal between 1933 and 1974, assumed a kind of third way capable of overcoming the liberal and socialist models of social protection. Compared with those achieved by Welfare State countries, the Portuguese Corporatist Social Security model failed in all its dimensions (education, health, social security). Portugal in the post-World War II, was unable to disconnect itself from a conservative, authoritarian and retro-grade ideology and, despite having an economic growth never seen before, it remained deprived of two of the main engines of social modernization of the 'golden age of capitalism' : political democracy and the Welfare State model. This was only to take place on 25 April 1974. Very late, three decades late, and at a time when the Welfare State was beginning to fall victim to its own success.
In order to study the common political good as an end of the State, the author takes as his point of departure a complete causal analysis of that specific social group, studying its material, intrinsic and extrinsic formal, efficient, and final causes. The latter is identified with the common political good, which is characterized as a good, as a human good, as a social good, and as a political good. For it to be accomplished historically, one must bear in mind the exigencies which spring from the particular nature of man and the concrete circumstances in which these exigencies must be realized. With regard to the content of the common political good, the author studies, as aspects of the same, authority and order, the satisfaction of material necessities, and the realization of cultural, ethical, and political values. According to classical thought, the common good has served as a criterion which legitimizes forms of governments; in the face of the attacks of new criteria of classification which place emphasis upon the legitimacy of origin, and even this restricted to democratic legitimacy, the superiority in the practical order of the traditional doctrine is again put forth. An interesting problem is the articulation of two fundamental principles to construct a correct social order: that of the primacy of the common good, and the Principle of Subsidiarity. Against the theories which limit the common good, here the thesis that subsidiary action forms an integral part of the content of the common good is claimed. The common political good is a concrete good, a concrete perfective horizon of concrete persons. For this reason, it should be possible, and it should seek the greatest perfection within a determined milieu. The virtue of prudence plays a central role in the search for the necessary means to realize, here and now, the ends known via discretion. Since prudence extends itself to the governing of the multitude, the importance of political prudence in the determination of the means of achieving the common ...
The economic rights constitute today per today, the angular stone in the social,cultural and political development of a country. It is sought starting from them to giveeffectiveness at the beginning of equality, to generate development opportunities, tostimulate to the society for the setting in march of the solidarity, and among manyother objectives, to generate progress in the country. The Colombian State, has asconstitutional duty, to promote the economic activity, in it offers of the compliance ofits social ends. This article, sketches in that forms the State, in compliance of its constitutional ends, it participates with protagonist paper, in the development anddirectión of the economic activity and the democracy. ; Los derechos económicos constituyen hoy por hoy, la piedra angular en eldesarrollo social, cultural y político de un país. Se pretende a partir de ellos dareficacia al principio de igualdad, generar oportunidades de desarrollo, estimular a lasociedad para la puesta en marcha de la solidaridad, y entre muchos otrosobjetivos, generar progreso en el país. El Estado Colombiano, tiene como deberconstitucional, promover la actividad económica, en procura del cumplimiento desus fines sociales. Este artículo, esboza en que forma el Estado, en cumplimientode sus fines constitucionales, participa con papel protagónico, en el desarrollo ydirección de la actividad económica del país, y su deber de defensa de lademocracia.
Este estudio se propone investigar, a partir de la contextualización del caso Español, los factores que generan la extinción de los contratos administrativos de concesión. Tomando en consideración el hecho de que las explotaciones empresariales de esas grandes infraestructuras han resultado deficitarias y han precipitado una extinción de los contratos administrativos, que habían sido concertados con esa finalidad de captar la financiación privada de su construcción y articular su amortización mediante los rendimientos obtenidos con la explotación de las infraestructuras, se hace necesario encontrar una explicación a esta falta de rentabilidad de las concesiones viales a partir de la crisis económica, las modificaciones legislativas y la notable divergencia entre la intensidad media diaria de tránsito prevista y la que efectivamente ocurre en la realidad, (y que refleja, por lo tanto, los justiprecios expropriatorios) Se constata, ante el desequilibrio económico-financiero creado, la existencia de una responsabilidad subsidiaria de la Administración Pública. ; Having the context of the Spanish case as its background, this study aims at investigating the factors that culminate in the termination of concession administrative contracts. Assuming that the exploitation of huge infrastructures are deficitary and have led to the termination of concession administrative contracts in order to obtain private financing and articulate the amortization by means of revenues obtained via exploitation, it is necessary to find an explanation for the lack of profitability of road concessions in light of the economic crisis, change in legislation and the remarkable divergence between the daily average intensity of traffic anticipated and that which really occurs, which represent the fair expropriating prices. Considering the financial-economic imbalance therefore created, there is the subsidiary responsibility of the Public Administration. ; Este estudio se propone investigar, a partir de la contextualización del caso Español, los ...
