Russia and the Idea of Europe: A Study in Identity and International Relations
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 32, Heft 0, S. 114
ISSN: 1891-1773
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In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 32, Heft 0, S. 114
ISSN: 1891-1773
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 35, S. 153-155
ISSN: 1891-1773
Rasmus Nilsson, University College London, reviews Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past: A Comparative Study of Memory Management in the Region, edited by Ninna Mörner (CBEES, 2020).
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 34, S. 264-266
ISSN: 1891-1773
Organizing the Voice of Women: A Study of the Polish and Swedish Women's Movements' Adaptation to International Structures, by Eva Karlberg, is reviewed by Kirsti Stuvøy, Associate Professor, Faculty of Landscape and Society, International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric), Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU).
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 35, S. 257-279
ISSN: 1891-1773
The article explores how the Russo–Norwegian espionage debacle involving former border inspector Frode Berg was collectively and fragmentarily narrated by Russian online commenters. Through a digital ethnographic case study of user-driven segments on the Russian-language Internet (RuNet) – notably Live Journal and RT comment sections – this article shows how online narratives about the case involved participatory production by heterogeneous, polyphonous constellations of users. Analysing Russian online comments as network narratives, the article examines how Norway (as well as NATO and the West more broadly) has been construed on RuNet, where propaganda is ubiquitous, and where trolls, bots, vatniki and 'everyone else' continuously clash. Commenters' discussions of the Berg case reflect Kremlin-controlled narratives of Norway as an ambiguous actor associated with a high degree of ambivalence, but network narratives also reveal tensions, inconsistencies and contestation of the Russian antagonist discourse on Norway. More broadly, the study highlights how interactive digital narrative can serve to expand our understanding not only of Russia's relationship with Norway, but also of Russian informational activities as such.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 33, S. 74-90
ISSN: 1891-1773
Abstract: An East-West divide in late-life wellbeing in Europe? A comparative study of 12 countries This study explores late-life loneliness and depression in European countries, noting the role of micro-level differences in socioeconomic status, health, and social variables. Findings from cross-sectional, nationally representative data from 12 countries and 36,000 individuals in the Generations and Gender Survey show a marked East–West divide among older but not among younger adults. Among older adults (aged 60–80) loneliness and depression are as much as three to four times more prevalent in Eastern European (20–40%) than in Northwest European countries (10–15%). These patterns reflect economic, social, and societal issues which in turn affect the conditions for active and healthy aging. There is considerable variation among Eastern European countries, correlating with macro-level economic development and welfare spending. Generous welfare states seem to offer a buffer against, or postpone, the risk of late-life depression and loneliness. Cultural factors may also play a role: because of high expectations as to strong family and community ties, Eastern Europeans may have a lower loneliness threshold than other Europeans.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 32, S. 153-173
ISSN: 1891-1773
Danish images of Russia in the 2010sThis article surveys how the editorial columns of five leading Danish newspapers treat Russia in the 2010s, building on an earlier study which focused on the first decade of the 2000s (Hansen 2010). The present study finds that the overall negative trajectory associated with Russia has continued, even grown more pronounced. In response, a minority position has developed on the fringes of political life in Denmark, holding that Russia is being demonized and that media coverage is too negative and essentially one-sided. The Danish newspapers surveyed focus on what is seen as an increasingly aggressive Russia violating borders and other established norms, and threatening its neighbours. The editorials reflect the gradual paradigm shift in views of Russia. They now speak openly of the need for Denmark to protect itself and its allies militarily against possible Russian aggression and to prevent Russia from wielding more power through its energy supplies to Europe, including supplies that traverse Danish territorial waters. Other topics in focus include Russia's invasion and subsequent annexation of Crimea, its involvement in the war in Eastern Ukraine as well as its military campaign in Syria.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 35, S. 60-79
ISSN: 1891-1773
Abstract: Commemorating the Red Army Liberation in Kirkenes, Norway, 1954–1994This study traces the development over fifty years of the joint Norwegian–Soviet/Russian commemorations of the Red Army liberation of the eastern part of Finnmark County, Norway, in October 1944. The first commemorative events were held in October 1954 in the town of Kirkenes close to the Norwegian–Soviet border. Throughout the Cold War and into the post-Soviet period, such events have been arranged in Kirkenes every five years, with representatives of the Norwegian state authorities acting as hosts to a Soviet/Russian delegation. The focal point of these events has been a ceremony held by the Liberation Monument, unveiled in 1952 to honour the Red Army soldiers who liberated Norwegian territory by driving back the Nazi occupation forces. This article documents how the tradition of joint commemorations developed across the Iron Curtain divide as part of a predominantly diplomatic struggle over the events of October 1944, between Norway, a small state and NATO-member, and the superpower that was the Soviet Union. Our study concludes that, despite the struggle, which stemmed from Cold War tensions and competing security perceptions and interests, these joint commemorations have served as a stabilizing element in bilateral relations, producing a narrative not only about the Red Army liberation of eastern Finnmark, but also of friendship and mutual respect between the peoples of Norway and Russia, and of a long tradition of peaceful relations between the two states.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 36, S. 7-9
ISSN: 1891-1773
Political Culture in the Baltic States: Between National and European Integration är en gedigen studie av demokratins ställning i de baltiska staterna och den kritiska roll som etniska skiljelinjer kan ha i demokratiseringprocesser. Den har mycket att erbjuda både områdesspecialister och läsare med ett mer allmänt intresse för demokrati och politisk kultur.
Political Culture in the Baltic States: Between National and European Integration is a thorough study of the situation of democracy in the Baltic states, and the critical role of ethnic cleavages in processes of democratization. It has much to offer to area specialists as well as to readers more generally interested in democracy and political culture.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 36, S. 57-59
ISSN: 1891-1773
Det seneste årti er politiske rettigheder i Rusland blevet kraftigt indskrænkede. Efterladt med et valg mellem at tie eller flytte, vælger flere civilsamfundsaktører at fortsætte deres aktiviteter uden for landets grænser. Political Dissent and Democratic Remittances:The Activities of Russian Migrants in Europe, et nyt kvalitativt, etnografisk studie undersøger aktiviteterne hos dem, der udøver systemkritik efter at have forladt Rusland.
Over the past decade, political freedoms in Russia have severely restricted. Faced with the choice between leaving the country or being left without a voice, more and more civil society actors are choosing to conduct their activities abroad. Political Dissent and Democratic Remittances:The Activities of Russian Migrants in Europe is a new qualitative ethnographic study that explores the activities of those who have Russia in order to be able to voice their political dissent.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 35, S. 236-256
ISSN: 1891-1773
The article analyses representations of history in today's Russia as part of the ideology for expressing central political concepts underlying the Putinist regime. Mainstream interpretations of history build on a populist vision of Russia as a community with a stable, unchangeable core of identity. In this ideological context, history serves as the canvas on which the 'authentic' Russian identity manifests itself. The present research article examines representations of history by focusing on the concepts of 'historical sovereignty', 'unity of history', and the role of elites in history. It finds that regime ideology in today's Russia relies on a sizable infrastructure that involves producing historical knowledge for the purpose of securitizing history and making it an instrumental element in the populist (conservative-communitarian) ideology. Sources for this study come from the network exhibition 'Russia – My History', contextualized through content analysis of the key producers of ideology in Putin's Russia.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 34, S. 194-217
ISSN: 1891-1773
Abstract: Security and Vulnerability After Armenia's Velvet Revolution: Elite Perceptions on Gender Equality, Human Rights and Conflict ResolutionThe Velvet Revolution in spring 2018 and the snap elections that followed in December 2018 shook Armenia. This article examines the country's new political elite and other central social elites, and their affective and evaluative beliefs with respect to human security, drawing on an elite survey conducted in 2017 and 2019, complemented by in-depth interviews. The aim is to shed light on whether Armenia's elite-level political culture is headed for progressive change concerning the rights of disadvantaged groups, primarily women and sexual minorities – an expectation among the young and educated in Yerevan. This study finds that, as regards reducing vulnerability and increasing the security and freedom of choice for those traditionally disadvantaged in Armenian society, the values and judgments of the new elites have remained basically traditional.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 36, S. 23-25
ISSN: 1891-1773
Den lange kolde krig: Russiske og amerikanske fjendebilleder i 200 år redovisar hur politiker och intellektuella i de två supermakterna uppfattade motparten. Anne Mørk presenterar amerikanska bilder av Ryssland som främmande. Erik Kulavig berättar om den motsägelsefull relationen till USA som en del av Rysslands moderna historia. USA representerade det moderna i sig. Sovjetunionen ville bli modernt. Det kalla kriget mellan USA och Sovjetunionen var asymmetriskt.
Den lange kolde krig: Russiske og amerikanske fjendebilleder i 200 år (The Long Cold War: Two Centuries of Russian and American Enemy Images) is a study of how politicians and intellectuals in the two states perceived one another. Anne Mörk shows that those in the USA saw the USSR as strange and outlandish. Erik Kulavig tells of contradictory relations with the USA as part of the modern history of Russia. The USA stood out as the incarnation of modernity, and the USSR was striving to become modern. The Cold War between the two was asymmetric.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 36, S. 13-15
ISSN: 1891-1773
Da president Vladimir Putin kom til makten i Russland på tidlig 2000-tallet, var en viktig del av hans statsbygging å skaffe seg kontroll over medielandskapet hjemme. Evnen til å forme egne innbyggeres oppfatning av virkeligheten har stått sentralt siden, og utover 2010-tallet har dette også inkludert et internasjonalt publikum. Irina Grigor gir oss i sin doktorgradsavhandling i kommunikasjon fra Universitetet i Helsinki, et nærmere innblikk i russisk bruk av media og strategiske narrativer, med et særlig fokus på bruk av visuelle virkemidler i russiske medier i ulike case i løpet av perioden 2012–2016.
Since President Putin came to power in the early 2000s, he has increasingly seized control of the domestic media landscape. In addition to Moscow's focus on shaping Russian domestic opinion, there have been similar control attempts aimed at an international audience. In her doctoral dissertation in communications from the University of Helsinki, Irina Grigor provides valuable insights into Russia's use of the media and strategic narratives. Using a case-study approach, Grigor devotes particular attention to the application of visual tools by the Russian media in the 2012–2016 period.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 35, S. 36-59
ISSN: 1891-1773
Abstract: 'The Politics of Uncertainty' in Practice: The 2020 Presidential Election that Changed BelarusUp until 2020 Aleksandr Lukashenka's authoritarian regime had ruled Belarus for 26 years without major challenges. Thus, the popular mobilization that took shape in connection with the August 2020 presidential election came as a surprise. It was not the first time that elections in Belarus were not fair – but it was the first time that large sectors of the population reacted openly. Six months later, Belarusians all over the country were still contesting the falsified results. What contributed to this mobilization and politicization of a previously largely apolitical society? Why does that development represent such a serious threat to the authoritarian system? This study sees the Belarusian presidential election and its aftermath as illustrating the 'politics of uncertainty' of electoral authoritarian regimes. Because of the intrinsic insecurity of authoritarian systems, all regular elections in that context entail risks, which in theory might lead to change. In Belarus, the emergence of latent threats to the regime's legitimacy in the form of social cleavages and an economic crisis, combined with the fundamental dynamics of the 'election game', amplified this instability. The election served as the starting point for a process of transformation that became the most serious threat ever faced by the Lukashenka regime.
In: Nordisk østforum: tidsskrift for politikk, samfunn og kultur i Øst-Europa og Eurasia, Band 33, S. 109-129
ISSN: 1891-1773
Abstract: HIV and AIDS in Russia: Regime Dynamics and ResponseOver the last two decades, the number of persons living with HIV in Russia has increased dramatically. According to WHO criteria, Russia is now facing a generalized HIV epidemic. This article analyzes how regime dynamics have influenced Russia's capacity to build a domestic response to the epidemic. Putin's cultural conservative turn in 2012 may have negatively affected the regime's ability to curb the spread of HIV. Evidence collected for this study indicates that three developments in particular have contributed to this. The first is the introduction of legislation aimed at reducing foreign involvement in Russia, which has weakened civil society as the main provider of prevention programs and services to key populations, and has forced global agencies to leave the country. Secondly, the increasing use of value-based conservative rhetoric after 2012 has meant better access to state structures, policy crafting and governmental funding for actors opposed to conventional methods of preventing HIV. Lastly, Putin's post-2012 cultural conception of the state has served to entrench Russian neopatrimonialism. As neopatrimonialism creates conditions unfavorable to successful implementation of reforms, including those necessary to deal with the ongoing epidemic, its stabilization may have assisted inaction as regards HIV.