The Suez Crisis 1876–82
In: The RUSI journal: publication of the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies, Band 151, Heft 3, S. 74-78
ISSN: 1744-0378
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In: The RUSI journal: publication of the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies, Band 151, Heft 3, S. 74-78
ISSN: 1744-0378
In: International affairs, Band 77, Heft 1, S. 210
ISSN: 0020-5850
In: International affairs, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 173-173
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Politics: Australasian Political Studies Association journal, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 193-204
In: International affairs, Band 40, Heft 4, S. 714-715
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: The Middle East journal, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 20
ISSN: 0026-3141
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 399
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: International affairs, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 303-318
ISSN: 0020-5850
THIS ARTICLE, ONE IN AN OCCASIONAL SERIES REVIEWING STATE DEPARTMENT ARCHIVES OF THE 1940S AND 1950S, EXAMINES THE ROLE OF AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE RUN-UP TO AND DURING THE COURSE OF THE SUEZ CRISIS. IT ALSO EXAMINES THE ARAB-ISRAELI DISPUTE OF 1955 AND 1956.
In: The world today, Band 13, S. 189-199
ISSN: 0043-9134
In: Foreign policy bulletin: the documentary record of United States foreign policy, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 88-88
ISSN: 1745-1302
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 327-357
ISSN: 2052-465X
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 16, S. 327-357
ISSN: 0020-7020
In: The journal of North African studies, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 41-58
ISSN: 1362-9387
Im Kalten Krieg spielte das 1951 souverän gewordenen prowestliche Königreich Libyen für Großbritannien eine wichtige Rolle in seiner globalen Militärstrategie und der Neutralisierung des arabischen Nationalismus. Die Suez-Krise offenbarte indes die Schwäche des libyschen Regimes - eine Entwicklung, die in die Revolution von 1969 mündete - und wirkte sich entscheidend auf die britisch-libyschen Beziehungen aus. Der Autor stützt sich auf Dokumente des Public Records Office in Kew, Presseberichte und Interviews mit Mitarbeitern des Foreign Office, die zur Zeit der Suez-Krise in Libyen stationiert waren. (DÜI-Cls)
World Affairs Online
In: World politics: a quarterly journal of international relations, Band 12, S. 200-224
ISSN: 0043-8871
In: World politics: a quarterly journal of international relations, Band 12, Heft 2, S. 201-224
ISSN: 1086-3338
Often as foreign policy may be the subject of partisan discussion in modern democracies, important international commitments are usually made only with support, or the expectation of support, from the great bulk of the political community. This has surely been the ordinary American and British pattern, labeled bi-partisan, non-partisan, or extra-partisan. We assume that political support extending well beyond the ranks of the party in office is essential for a successful foreign policy, and especially for a substantial military venture. Even the American decision to defend South Korea, while it was necessarily made by the Democratic administration before any apparent political consensus and while it eventually involved the United States in an unpopular war, was never in itself a partisan policy which Republicans as a group refused to support. The one outstanding recent instance of a truly partisan foreign policy is Britain's Suez action of 1956. As the significant deviant case, it provides useful insights into the process by which an alternative to the usual bi-partisan arrangement is developed and conducted. Specific questions concern the making of the Suez intervention decision, the nature of parliamentary support for this decision, the role of party loyalty in maintaining such support, and the significance of partisan opposition.