Suchergebnisse

Résumé Le soufisme est un courant mystique de l'islam, une voie spirituelle basée sur l'élévation de l'esprit et de l'âme et la recherche de la purification du cœur. Il a joué un rôle prépondérant dans la propagation de l'islam en Afrique subsaharienne, dont le Mali. Sa résistance au colonialisme, armée puis pacifique, le crédite pour jouer un rôle politique et social dans le Mali indépendant, bien que parfois contre le développement des mœurs sociales. L'objectif de cet article est de montrer la centralité du soufisme dans la propagation de l'islam dans le Mali précolonial, sans avoir eu nécessairement recours au « djihad ». La problématique de cette recherche s'articule autour de la rapidité et l'assertivité avec laquelle les Maliens ont adopté l'islam populaire. Nous émettons l'hypothèse que c'est d'abord la simplicité de la foi musulmane prônée par le soufisme par rapport à l'islam institutionnel et scripturaire qui en est la cause principale. Nous postulons ensuite que c'est également la forte ressemblance entre l'organisation hiérarchique des zaouias soufies et l'organisation hiérarchique païenne qui existaient au Mali qui ont affirmé la place de l'islam populaire dans les mœurs maliennes. Mots clés : Mali, soufisme, colonisation, indépendance, laïcité, charia. Abstract Sufism is a mystical current of Islam, a spiritual path based on the upliftment of mind and soul and the pursuit of purification of the heart. It played a major role in the spread of Islam in subSaharan Africa, including Mali. Its resistance to colonialism, armed at first then peaceful, gives it credit for playing a social and political role in independent Mali, although sometimes going against the development of social mores. The aim of this article is to show the centrality of Sufism in the propagation of Islam in precolonial Mali, without necessarily resorting to "djihad". The problematic of this research revolves around the speed and assertiveness with which Malians adopted popular Islam. We hypothesize that it is mainly due to the ...

For the most part, Malian historians see and consider the 7th century of the Christian era as the advent of Islam in Mali, while Sufism most likely came into existence there by the 15th century only. This Sufi first appearance is then characterized by spread and individual practices here and there. It is only at the dawn of the 19th century that a true emergence of Sufism and a great expansion of Islam through the efforts made by Sïdï al-Mubtar al-Kabïr, the establishment of the theocratic state of Macina, and the call to jihad by al-I:Iag 'Umar can be seen. The two spiritual paths known respectively as Qadiriyya and Tiganiyya will corne into conflict but they will both resist colonial intrusion into their country. After Malian independence in 1960, Sufis will take an active part in political and social life of the country. Finally, Malian Sufis are behind numerous intellectual works meant to make their spiritual paths known. ; La plupart des historiens maliens considèrent le Vllème siècle de l'ère chrétienne comme la date de l'avènement de l'islam au Mali, alors que le soufisme n'y fit probablement son apparition qu'à partir du XVème siècle. Cette apparition soufie se caractérise alors par des pratiques individuelles et disséminées ici et là. Il faut donc attendre l'aube du XIXème siècle pour voir une véritable émergence du soufisme et une large expansion de l'islam avec les efforts déployés par Sïdï al­ Mubtar al-Kabïr, l'instauration de l'Etat musulman du Macina et le gihëid lancé par al-ijag 'Umar. Les deux voies spirituelles, Qadiriyya et Tiganiyya entreront en opposition, mais feront résistance à l'intrusion coloniale dans le pays. Après l'indépendance du Mali, en 1960, les soufis participeront activement à la vie politique et sociale du pays. Enfin les soufis maliens sont à l'origine de maintes œuvres intellectuelles destinées à faire connaître leur voie spirituelle.

Conflicting synergy of patterns of religious authority in Islam / Orkhan Mir-Kasimov -- La transgression des normes du discours religieux : remarques sur les shaaat de Abu Bakr al-Shibli / Pierre Lory -- Religious authority & apocalypse: tafsir as experience in an early work by the Bab / Todd Lawson -- La transmigration des ames. Une notion problematique dans l'Ismaelisme d'epoque Fatimide / Daniel De Smet -- Promised One (maw'ud) or Imaginary One (mawhum)? Some Notes on twelver Shi?i Mahdi doctrine and its discussion in writings of Baha' Allah / Armin Eschraghi -- To the abode of the hidden one: The green isle in Shi'i, early Shaykhi, and Babi-Baha'i sacred topography / Omid Ghaemmaghami -- The Kufan Ghulat and millenarian (mahdist) movements in Mongol-Turkmen Iran / William F. Tucker -- Intercessory claims of Sufi communities during the 14th and 15th centuries: 'Messianic' legitimizing strategies on the spectrum of normativity / Devin DeWeese -- Ummis versus Imams in the Hurufi prophetology: An Attempt at a Sunni/Shi'i synthesis? / Orkhan Mir-Kasimov -- The occult challenge to philosophy and messianism in early Timurid Iran: Ibn Turka's lettrism as a new metaphysics / Matthew Melvin-Koushki -- Timurid experimentation with eschatological absolutism: Mirza Iskandar, Shah Ni'matullah Wali, and Sayyid Sharif Jurjani in 815/1412 / Ilker Evrim Binbas -- L'ideologie d'etat concurrencee par son interpretation : les Melami-Hamzevi dans l'Empire Ottoman / Paul Ballanfat -- Kaygusuz Abdal: A aedieval Turkish saint and the formation of vernacular Islam in Anatolia / Ahmet T. Karamustafa -- The World as a hat: symbolism and materiality in Safavid Iran / Shahzad Bashir -- Persian Nuqawis and the shaping of the doctrine of "Universal conciliation" ('ulu'i kull) in Mughal India / Abbas Amanat -- Messianism, heresy and historical narrative in Mughal India / A. Azfar Moin

Examines Islam's dynamism in Russia since the fall of communism, focusing on Chechnya and Tatarstan, two main models linked to traditional reformism and Sufism; argues that development of Islam in Russia depends on economic and strategic factors, but that the country has not formed the necessary overall policy; since 1989, chiefly. Summary in English p. 231.

Taking a sociology of social movements approach, the present article focuses on charismatic authority and emotions in a Pakisani Sufi neo-brotherhood, Minhaj-ul Quran. The brotherhoods founder/leader is considered a Sufi saint by his followers and his movement can be analyzed as an emotional community that has gradually become politicized. Qadris charisma is understood as a resource that is refreshed and reinvigorated via awareness-raising devices (hagiographies, rituals, poems, videos, performances, etc.) that may partly explain the groups emergence and capacity for mobilization. Minhaj-ul Quran seems to be an original reinvention of the South Asian brotherhood tradition, bringing various types of activism (social, religious, political) together within an NGO and a political party. Though the latter withdrew from the political scene in 2005, it continues to successfully participate in various political causes. Adapted from the source document.

Taking inspiration from Sunni Islam & Sufism, the organization of the Ahbikh plays a major political & religious role in Lebanon & is more & more present in Europe -- particularly in France. Advocating social & economic integration of its faithful, & refusing -- especially in Europe -- to participate in political life or to negotiate with the state, the community of the Ahbikh has become an important actor of French & European Islam. Adapted from the source document.

This study will attempt to demonstrate the status of zawiyyas, and in particular that of the 'Alawiyya in contemporary Algeria, and their role during the rise of nationalism and the liberation struggle. In our discussion of the persecution and rehabilitation of the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood (and others) in Algeria during the contemporary period we will deal with the links between the 'Alawiyya and: (1) The colonial administration: the Brotherhood was closely watched by the police and intelligence agencies. The strategy of the Brotherhood was to remain neutral insofar as possible, but it did not hesitate to defend the preservation of Arab-Muslim identity. (2) The reform movement, with the appearance in 1926 of the journal ach-Chihab and the Association of Muslim Algerian Ulemas (AOMA) founded the 5th of May 1931 with at its head President Ibn Badis, who contributed to the rise of Algerian nationalist sentiment. (3)Algerian nationalist groups, with which the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood maintained close relations, notably during the period of the Party of the Algerian People (PPA) founded in 1937 by Messali Hadj. The events of 8 May 1945 in Sétif triggered the preparation of the Algerian Revolution during which the Sheikh Mehdi Bentounes played an important role. (4) Successive Algerian governments: the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood decided to come out against the nationalization of « habous » holdings. The Boumedienne government carried out a vast campaign of persecution against Sheikh Mehdi Bentounes and had him arrested in 1970. From that time the Brotherhood became active in Europe with Sheikh Khaled Bentounes, who fostered the creation of numerous cultural and youth-oriented projects which enjoyed official recognition. These waves of persecution little by little marginalized a religious current -Sufism (tasawuf)- which had been present in Algeria from the beginning of the millennium, and which was part of an essential immaterial cultural heritage in Algeria. It took the arrival and the development of religious fundamentalism, ...

This study will attempt to demonstrate the status of zawiyyas, and in particular that of the 'Alawiyya in contemporary Algeria, and their role during the rise of nationalism and the liberation struggle. In our discussion of the persecution and rehabilitation of the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood (and others) in Algeria during the contemporary period we will deal with the links between the 'Alawiyya and: (1) The colonial administration: the Brotherhood was closely watched by the police and intelligence agencies. The strategy of the Brotherhood was to remain neutral insofar as possible, but it did not hesitate to defend the preservation of Arab-Muslim identity. (2) The reform movement, with the appearance in 1926 of the journal ach-Chihab and the Association of Muslim Algerian Ulemas (AOMA) founded the 5th of May 1931 with at its head President Ibn Badis, who contributed to the rise of Algerian nationalist sentiment. (3)Algerian nationalist groups, with which the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood maintained close relations, notably during the period of the Party of the Algerian People (PPA) founded in 1937 by Messali Hadj. The events of 8 May 1945 in Sétif triggered the preparation of the Algerian Revolution during which the Sheikh Mehdi Bentounes played an important role. (4) Successive Algerian governments: the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood decided to come out against the nationalization of « habous » holdings. The Boumedienne government carried out a vast campaign of persecution against Sheikh Mehdi Bentounes and had him arrested in 1970. From that time the Brotherhood became active in Europe with Sheikh Khaled Bentounes, who fostered the creation of numerous cultural and youth-oriented projects which enjoyed official recognition. These waves of persecution little by little marginalized a religious current -Sufism (tasawuf)- which had been present in Algeria from the beginning of the millennium, and which was part of an essential immaterial cultural heritage in Algeria. It took the arrival and the development of religious fundamentalism, resulting in the civil war known as the « Dark Years », for the Algerian government to promote the rehabilitation of the religious Brotherhoods in Algeria. ; Cette étude tente de démontrer la place des zâwiyas et plus particulièrement celle de la 'Alawiyya dans l'Algérie contemporaine et leur rôle pendant la montée du nationalisme et la lutte de libération. Parler de la persécution et de la réhabilitation de la confrérie 'Alawiyya (et d'autres) en Algérie durant la période contemporaine, nous amène à traiter des rapports de celle-ci avec : (1) L'administration coloniale : la confrérie était étroitement surveillée par les services de la police des renseignements généraux. La stratégie de la confrérie consistait à rester neutre autant que possible mais elle n'hésitait pas à défendre la préservation de l'identité arabo-musulmane. (2) Le mouvement du réformisme : avec la parution en 1926 de la revue ach-Chihab et l'Association des Oulémas Musulmans Algériens (AOMA) fondée le 5 mai 1931 avec à sa tête le Président Ibn Badis qui contribua à la montée du sentiment nationaliste algérien. (3) Les milieux nationalistes algériens : avec lesquels la confrérie 'Alawiyya entretenait des relations étroites notamment sous la période du Parti du Peuple Algérien (PPA). Les événements du 8 mai 1945 à Sétif précipitèrent la préparation de la Révolution algérienne pendant laquelle le cheikh Mehdi Bentounes joua un rôle actif. (4) Les gouvernements algériens successifs : La confrérie 'Alawiyya entendait lutter contre la nationalisation des biens habous. Le gouvernement Boumediene mena une vaste campagne de persécution contre le cheikh Mehdi Bentounes et procéda à son arrestation en 1970. La confrérie agissait dorénavant sur le terrain Européen avec le cheikh Khaled Bentounes qui procéda à la création de nombreux projets culturels et de jeunesse et à la reconnaissance de nombreux projets par les instances officielles nationales et internationales. Les persécutions finirent progressivement par marginaliser un courant religieux- soufisme qui était présent en Algérie depuis le début du millénaire. Il eut fallu l'avènement de la montée du fondamentalisme religieux qui aboutit à la guerre civile dite « les années noires » pour que le Gouvernement algérien procède à la réhabilitation des confréries religieuses en Algérie.