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W artykule została przedstawiona konfrontacja obrazu Polski i Polaka, prezentowanego w wybranych podręcznikach do nauki języka polskiego jako obcego, z obrazem tychże, widzianym oczyma studentów lublańskiej polonistyki. Okazuje się, że prezentowany wizerunek Polski i Polaka w podręcznikach jest nieprawdziwy, wyidealizowany, co wynikać może z chęci ich pozytywnej prezentacji, zwłaszcza na tle krajów europejskich. Warto też podkreślić, że jest on zgodny z wytycznymi programowymi Unii Europejskiej i zdecydowanie różni się od studenckich wyobrażeń na temat Polski i Polaków, wynikających z funkcjonowania stereotypów. Dlatego przy korzystaniu z takiego podręcznika ważna jest rola nauczyciela, potrafiącego równoważyć dysproporcje między materiałem w nim przedstawionym a tym zyskanym z innych źródeł. ; The article presents a comparison of the image of Poland and Poles as seen in selected textbooks for learning Polish as a foreign language, with the image of them as seen by the Polish philology students in Ljubljana. It seems that the presented image of Poland and Poles in textbooks is false, idealized, which may result from the desire to be presented in a positive manner, especially in comparison with other European countries. It should be emphasized that it complies with programming guidelines of the European Union and is very different from the students" perceptions regarding Poland and Poles, which results from stereotypes. Therefore, when using such a textbook, the role of a teacher, who can balance the disparities between the material from the textbook and material from other sources, is very important.

This paper is devoted to the analysis of selected aspects how Ukrainian schools present the historical narrative that covers the post-World War II history of this country – particularly the period of late socialism. My goal was to establish how post-Maidan textbooks presented the times when Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union in its superpower phase. I was especially interested in the current assessment of such phenomena as: post-Stalinist modernization, the movements opposing communist ideology, and the late socialist concept of the Soviet people. The source material was five new textbooks for historical education at high-school level approved for use by the Ukrainian authorities in 2019. The basic research method was discourse analysis: the content of the textbooks were critically evaluated in light of the ongoing political and social situation. Among the theoretical assumptions that were applied in the paper was that the historical narrative has a key importance as a function of the nation-state and as such serves its interests. To conclude the analysis below, it should be emphasized that historical narrative of Ukrainian Schools presents the past of the country in the second half of the 20th century as a general process of gaining independence from the Soviet centre. In the context of Russia's aggression against Ukraine, it should be assumed that the emancipatory nature of the interpretation of Ukraine's national history is now irreversible.

The monograph presents the analysis of the process of constructing national identity in the educational discourse on the example of textbooks. Using the theory and postcolonial discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau, the author reconstructs the discourses involved in the rhetorical construction of national identity and poses the question of inclusion in civic education. The basis for discussion is the analysis of the content of textbooks carried out in the perspective of research on media education (educational media studies), and critical pedagogy. The work combines research on the pedagogical discourse of the linguistic approach. Analysis of rhetorical processes of constructing identity is enriched therefore the analysis of the conceptual metaphors concerning the categories of the nation in terms of George Lakoff and Mark Johnson. Discourse Analysis is conducted on the basis of the method James Paul Gee. An important element of the book are theoretical considerations on the possibility to agree on processes of constructing identity postkolonializmie and discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau.

The aim of this article is to analyze the efficiency of the three currently working on the Polish side bilateral textbook commissions (Polish-German, Polish-Lithuanian and Polish-Ukrainian). Its added value lies, firstly, in rarely undertaken in the literature comparative research – the author's ambitions go beyond simple description of several different textbook committees. Secondly, in the formulation of concrete conclusions, which to some extent can be applied in practice. The used research method was studying the documents. Using the technique of critical analysis of the content the author revealed similarities and differences in the functioning of the three institutions in terms of: the history of creation; tasks, procedures and organization of their work; discussed topics and appearing controversies; the effects of undertaken actions. On that basis, she formulated the conviction that a decisive impact on the effectiveness of the mentioned institutions have the following factors: ambitions and chosen by commissions course of action, the framework of states' educational policies, the political support of the governments, wide debate on commissions' findings, attitudes of the societies on the both sides of the border and objective factors like: time, stage of nation-building process and partners' financial capacities.

In the second half of the nineteenth century, Galicia became an autonomous province in Austria-Hungary. In addition to political reforms, changes in education were proposed. The Polish language and teaching Poland's history were introduced to schools. Private schools for girls were also founded with the objective of raising their level of education and preparing them for academic studies. Schools run by religious congregations played a significant role here. The schools were run mainly by Catholic orders including the Basilian Sisters of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (Ordo Sancti Basilii Magni). They had their convent in Jaworów in Galicia where they established an elementary school, a teachers' school and a boarding school for girls. Ukrainian was the language of instruction. These religious schools operated according to the same principles as state schools, taught the same subjects and used the same textbooks. School authorities carried out inspections of religious schools on an annual basis. The schools enjoyed a good reputation and offered a high level of education. ; In the second half of the nineteenth century, Galicia became an autonomous province in Austria-Hungary. In addition to political reforms, changes in education were proposed. The Polish language and teaching Poland's history were introduced to schools. Private schools for girls were also founded with the objective of raising their level of education and preparing them for academic studies. Schools run by religious congregations played a significant role here. The schools were run mainly by Catholic orders including the Basilian Sisters of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (Ordo Sancti Basilii Magni). They had their convent in Jaworów in Galicia where they established an elementary school, a teachers' school and a boarding school for girls. Ukrainian was the language of instruction. These religious schools operated according to the same principles as state schools, taught the same subjects and used the same textbooks. School authorities carried out inspections of religious schools on an annual basis. The schools enjoyed a good reputation and offered a high level of education.

Polish political science is accused of not being as global as Polish sociology, or of not taking the scientific method and scientific theory very seriously. In contrast to the three basic social sciences (psychology, economics and sociology), political science is more limited to description and humanistic interpretation. One may ask why Polish political science, as it results from the above accusations, deviates slightly from the positivist pattern. The hypothesis suggests that this may be related to the education of the founders, the first managers of political science (directors of institutes, representatives of political science in the Central Commission of Scientific Degree). As it turns out, they were mostly lawyers, and to some extent historians. Graduates of basic social sciences were rare. Political science also lacks (considering textbooks) influential methodologists. As a consequence, there are fewer social methodological subjects in political science studies than in the other aforementioned fields of study.

The Conference on "Recovering Forgotten History" is one of the oldest attempts undertaken in the III Republic to defend Poland's (and East- Central Europe's) image abroad, especially in the US. From 2006, the Conference has organized its seminars, originally bi-annually and now annually, to provide a forum for discussions between the authors of English-language history textbooks and monographs, and Polish historians who review those publications. Arguments are scholarly, grounded in evidence of primary sources and historiography, therefore, they are convincing in combatting Western prejudices and clichés about Poland and East-Central Europe. Additionally, the Conference provides opportunities for sightseeing of Poland's historical places. As a result, the work of the Conference leads not only to the removal of countless mistakes and misinterpretations in the reviewed books but also to a change of guests' attitudes toward this part of Europe. For the most part, they are academic teachers, who can also influence students through their classes. The Conference achieves all of this while having very modest means at its disposal.

The article aims to analyse the impact of historical memory on foreign and security policy using the example of the Serbia – Kosovo relations in the period of 2014-2019. Historical memory is a burden, challenge and opportunity for foreign and security policy, and has a considerable impact on bilateral relations between countries which used to be in conflict. Historical memory generates numerous research questions – who is the architect of memory? what are the actors? what are the mechanisms, tools and instruments of its creation? how is it used to maintain power and what are its effects? – to name but a few. In the example analysed, leaders use historical memory to create separate identities and gain power, whereas NGOs do it to commemorate victims. Historical memory is present in celebrating important dates, historical places, monuments and events, and creating national heroes. It also draws attention to the stereotypes in school textbooks and to transitional justice. The most important space for historical memory in the analysis is Kosovo and the role of an international organisation – the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Historical memory has an important function in the process of regional reconciliation, which is an essential condition for cooperation and security in the Western Balkans.

Research Objective: The aim of the article is to analyze the determinants of the contemporary German foreign policy. According to the constructivist approach, these determinants lie mainly in the way in which the nation perceives itself through the opinion-forming elite, because its identity determines what is considered possible, appropriate and permissible in foreign policy. The Research Problem and Methods: The article adopts a constructivist approach, according to which the shape of a state's foreign policy is determined not so much by objective factors, such as military and economic potential, but by the way in which a given political entity interprets itself and its environment. The Process of Argumentation: I analyze the intra-German discussion on the new shape of German foreign policy from the point-of-view of Poland as a country interested in maintaining the unity of the West. From this perspective, the decisive question is whether the German attachment to the idea of the West still holds. Referring to the standard textbook of German foreign policy and selected monographs, I confront two German self-images: that of a Western democracy and that of a central power. Research Results: A state's strategic goals are determined by the national identity, so it is necessary to see how Germans perceive themselves. Contemporary German identity is not uniform, but is the subject of internal ideological and political disputes. Conclusions, Innovations, and Recommendations: It is in Poland's interest that Germany defines itself as a liberal democracy belonging to the family of Western countries, and not as a European central power or a "power in the center." ; CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest analiza uwarunkowań polityki zagranicznej współczesnych Niemiec. Zgodnie z podejściem konstruktywistycznym uwarunkowania te przejawiają się przede wszystkim w sposobie, w jaki naród za pośrednictwem elit opiniotwórczych sam siebie postrzega, ponieważ to jego tożsamość określa, co w polityce zagranicznej uznaje się za możliwe, stosowne i dopuszczalne. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: W artykule przyjmuje się podejście konstruktywistyczne, zgodnie z którym o kształcie polityki zagranicznej państwa decydują nie tyle obiektywne czynniki, takie jak potencjał militarnyi ekonomiczny, co sposób, w jaki dany podmiot polityczny interpretuje siebie i swoje środowisko. PROCES WYWODU: Analizuję wewnątrzniemiecką dyskusję na temat nowego kształtu polityki zagranicznej RFN z punktu widzenia Polski jako państwa zainteresowanego utrzymaniem jedności Zachodu. W tej perspektywie decydujące znaczenie ma pytanie o aktualność niemieckiego przywiązania do idei Zachodu.Odwołując się do jednego ze standardowych podręczników niemieckiej polityki zagranicznej i wybranych monografii, konfrontuję ze sobą dwa niemieckie obrazy własne, tj. demokracja zachodnia vs. europejskie mocarstwo centralne. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Tożsamość narodowa wyznacza cele strategiczne państwa, dlatego należy uważnie przyglądać się temu, jak Niemcy sami siebie postrzegają. Współczesna tożsamość niemiecka nie jest jednolita, lecz stanowi przedmiot wewnętrznych sporów ideowych i politycznych. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: W interesie Polski jest, by Niemcy definiowały siebie jako demokrację liberalną należącą do rodziny państw zachodnich, a nie jako europejskie mocarstwo centralne czy "mocarstwo w środku".

Rada Unii Europejskiej jest jedną z najważniejszych instytucji Unii Europejskiej. Ma złożoną strukturę i odgrywa kluczową rolę zarówno w stanowieniu prawa UE jak i jego wykonywaniu. Rada jest również forum, na którym państwa członkowskie mogą wyrażać i uzgadniać swoje interesy. Mimo to przyciąga mniejsze zainteresowanie ze strony badaczy niż na to zasługuje. Ostatnia monografia na temat Rady w języku angielskim ukazała się w 2006 roku. Od tego czasu prowadzono wiele badań nad różnymi aspektami działania Rady, a traktat z Lizbony wprowadził istotne dla tej instytucji zmiany. Choć w podręcznikach można znaleźć zaktualizowane rozdziały dotyczące Rady, brakuje szerszego przeglądu spraw, które powinna mieć na uwadze osoba chcąca badać tę instytucję. Niniejsza książka stara się wypełnić tę lukę, proponując szeroki choć zwięzły przegląd tematów dotyczących organizacji i działania Rady. Książka podzielona jest na pięć rozdziałów. W pierwszym rozdziale przedstawiono treść książki i omówiono metody i podejścia do badania Rady. Drugi rozdział przybliża złożoną strukturę Rady: jej liczne warstwy i aktorów instytucjonalnych, którzy je przekraczają. W trzecim rozdziale przeanalizowano rolę Rady w systemie politycznym UE, zwłaszcza jej relacje z innymi instytucjami. W czwartym rozdziale wprowadza elementy teorii negocjacji, które mają znaczenie dla Rady i podkreśla szczególne cechy podejmowania decyzji w tej instytucji. Ostatni, piąty rozdział podkreśla znaczenie czynników społecznych i personalnych dla funkcjonowania Rady – opisano w nim warunki i mechanizmy socjalizacji, która ma miejsce w Radzie. ; The Council of the European Union is one of the most important institutions of the European Union. It has a complex, multi-layered and multi-sectorial structure. It plays a crucial role in both legislative and executive policies of the Union and serves the Member States as a forum to express and negotiate their interests. However, it seems to draw less interest from the academic community than it deserves. The most recent monograph on the Council in English was published in 2006. Since then much research has been conducted on different facets of the organisation and functioning of this institution, and the Treaty of Lisbon introduced several important changes that affected the Council, especially its relationship with the European Parliament and the European Council. While there are some up-to-date introductory publications (mostly chapters in textbooks), what is lacking is a more extensive survey of the issues that should be the focus of attention to anyone wishing to study the Council. This book attempts to fill this gap, offering broad, yet concise overview of both the organisation and functioning of the Council. The book is divided into five chapters. The first chapter introduces the content of the book and surveys the methods and approaches that might be applied in the study of the Council. The second chapter takes a closer look at the Council's complex structure – its many layers and institutional actors who cross them. The third chapter analyses the role of the Council within the political system of the EU, especially its relationship with other main institutions. The fourth chapter introduces elements of negotiation theory relevant to the Council and emphasises the specific features of the decision-making process in this institution. The final, fifth chapter stresses the importance of the social and the personal for the functioning of the Council by describing the conditions and mechanisms of socialisation that takes place within the Council's structure.