In the 12th century, the Curonians dwelt in the east Baltic region between the Rīga area in the north and Klaipėda in the south. They reached the peak of their economic, political and cultural achievements in the 11th century and the first half of the 12th century. The roots of piracy as a phenomenon have a social character. The most active period of the Curonian Vikings begins in around the mid-tenth century, and lasts until the arrival of the Germans in the 13th century. The well-organised piracy of the Curonians became dangerous to navigation on an important maritime trading route along the east Baltic coast. The Curonians attacked traders' boats, robbed coastal churches, devastated Danish and Swedish coastal areas, and even stayed for a while. In the times of the Teutonic Order, in periods of diplomatic and military conflict or trading competition, even officials did not avoid robbery at sea. The Palanga coastal population used to plunder shipwrecked boats, and went marauding in coastal waters until the middle of the 18th century.
In the 12th century, the Curonians dwelt in the east Baltic region between the Rīga area in the north and Klaipėda in the south. They reached the peak of their economic, political and cultural achievements in the 11th century and the first half of the 12th century. The roots of piracy as a phenomenon have a social character. The most active period of the Curonian Vikings begins in around the mid-tenth century, and lasts until the arrival of the Germans in the 13th century. The well-organised piracy of the Curonians became dangerous to navigation on an important maritime trading route along the east Baltic coast. The Curonians attacked traders' boats, robbed coastal churches, devastated Danish and Swedish coastal areas, and even stayed for a while. In the times of the Teutonic Order, in periods of diplomatic and military conflict or trading competition, even officials did not avoid robbery at sea. The Palanga coastal population used to plunder shipwrecked boats, and went marauding in coastal waters until the middle of the 18th century.
The aim of the article is the analysis of the status of Carl Schmitt's political theology. It is argued that this conception can not be understood as a sociology of juristic concepts as it was described by its author. Today many interpretators attempt to explain political theology as a part of theology. This interpretation is deficient in some of its parts. Schmitt was developing a political theory which he called "political theology". This project has to be understood as an attempt to use theological argumentations and insights in the discourse of political philosophy. Schmitt's attempt to create a synthesis of theology and philosophy for the study of politics is similar to the aims of reactionary XIX century Catholic political philosophy of Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald and Juan Donoso Cortes.
The aim of the article is the analysis of the status of Carl Schmitt's political theology. It is argued that this conception can not be understood as a sociology of juristic concepts as it was described by its author. Today many interpretators attempt to explain political theology as a part of theology. This interpretation is deficient in some of its parts. Schmitt was developing a political theory which he called "political theology". This project has to be understood as an attempt to use theological argumentations and insights in the discourse of political philosophy. Schmitt's attempt to create a synthesis of theology and philosophy for the study of politics is similar to the aims of reactionary XIX century Catholic political philosophy of Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald and Juan Donoso Cortes.
The aim of the article is the analysis of the status of Carl Schmitt's political theology. It is argued that this conception can not be understood as a sociology of juristic concepts as it was described by its author. Today many interpretators attempt to explain political theology as a part of theology. This interpretation is deficient in some of its parts. Schmitt was developing a political theory which he called "political theology". This project has to be understood as an attempt to use theological argumentations and insights in the discourse of political philosophy. Schmitt's attempt to create a synthesis of theology and philosophy for the study of politics is similar to the aims of reactionary XIX century Catholic political philosophy of Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald and Juan Donoso Cortes.
The aim of the article is the analysis of the status of Carl Schmitt's political theology. It is argued that this conception can not be understood as a sociology of juristic concepts as it was described by its author. Today many interpretators attempt to explain political theology as a part of theology. This interpretation is deficient in some of its parts. Schmitt was developing a political theory which he called "political theology". This project has to be understood as an attempt to use theological argumentations and insights in the discourse of political philosophy. Schmitt's attempt to create a synthesis of theology and philosophy for the study of politics is similar to the aims of reactionary XIX century Catholic political philosophy of Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald and Juan Donoso Cortes.
When Western liberalism won the battle over fascism and communism, it declared 'the end of history'. The fall of the Berlin Wall and WTC towers has shaken this illusion to the ground. Carl Schmitt treated WWII as the beginning of the fall of Westphalian system. For this reason Schmitt proclaimed political theology as the means for Western identity's renewal. This notion coined by the Stoic Panaetius referred to the essential dependence of political and cultural phenomena on religion. Schmitt's version of political theology showed a way out of crisis and was at the same time incompatible with liberal dogmas of tolerance, political correctness and multiculturalism.
When Western liberalism won the battle over fascism and communism, it declared 'the end of history'. The fall of the Berlin Wall and WTC towers has shaken this illusion to the ground. Carl Schmitt treated WWII as the beginning of the fall of Westphalian system. For this reason Schmitt proclaimed political theology as the means for Western identity's renewal. This notion coined by the Stoic Panaetius referred to the essential dependence of political and cultural phenomena on religion. Schmitt's version of political theology showed a way out of crisis and was at the same time incompatible with liberal dogmas of tolerance, political correctness and multiculturalism.
This article discusses the genesis of the political by treating this phenomena as a distinctive interaction between political and religious factors. The chirographic culture of memory, which is more characteristic of the Eastern nations, is being compared with the alternative culture of Ancient Greece, the so-called oroacoustic culture of memory. This article also examines the peculiarities of the political consciousness and religious mentality of Ancient Greece. The assumptions of legitimacy are considered as well, which are related to an identity crisis and a war between generations reflected, in theology, by the traditional world of the Fathers (Olympic) and the marginal world of the Sons (Delphic).
This article discusses the genesis of the political by treating this phenomena as a distinctive interaction between political and religious factors. The chirographic culture of memory, which is more characteristic of the Eastern nations, is being compared with the alternative culture of Ancient Greece, the so-called oroacoustic culture of memory. This article also examines the peculiarities of the political consciousness and religious mentality of Ancient Greece. The assumptions of legitimacy are considered as well, which are related to an identity crisis and a war between generations reflected, in theology, by the traditional world of the Fathers (Olympic) and the marginal world of the Sons (Delphic).
This article discusses the genesis of the political by treating this phenomena as a distinctive interaction between political and religious factors. The chirographic culture of memory, which is more characteristic of the Eastern nations, is being compared with the alternative culture of Ancient Greece, the so-called oroacoustic culture of memory. This article also examines the peculiarities of the political consciousness and religious mentality of Ancient Greece. The assumptions of legitimacy are considered as well, which are related to an identity crisis and a war between generations reflected, in theology, by the traditional world of the Fathers (Olympic) and the marginal world of the Sons (Delphic).
This article discusses the genesis of the political by treating this phenomena as a distinctive interaction between political and religious factors. The chirographic culture of memory, which is more characteristic of the Eastern nations, is being compared with the alternative culture of Ancient Greece, the so-called oroacoustic culture of memory. This article also examines the peculiarities of the political consciousness and religious mentality of Ancient Greece. The assumptions of legitimacy are considered as well, which are related to an identity crisis and a war between generations reflected, in theology, by the traditional world of the Fathers (Olympic) and the marginal world of the Sons (Delphic).
Fragmentation of the society and poverty existed in Latin America both before the 15th century when the Europeans colonized this region, as well as in the second half of the 20th century when liberation theology came into existence. Liberation theologians maintained that the Church cannot stay aside of the oppression that envelops the region but should rather condemn it and seek to transform the existing order through social and political means. The theologians perceived a division of the society into different classes and oppression both on the national and internationals levels, while maintaining that Christian love of one's neighbor is incapable of uniting the polarized classes. Liberation theology employed Marxist methodology to explain the present situation. Liberation was reduced to a political and socio-economic level, while interpretations of the Scripture highlighted the political aspect of liberation. Theologians judged society structures to be sinful and sought to liberate people from socio-economic oppression through a social revolution. Modern social teaching of the Catholic Church emerged in 1891 with Pope Leo XIII 's encyclical letter Rerum Novarum – On Capital and Labor. Catholic social teaching is based on ethics, theological anthropology and the conception of human salvation. Viewing human work from an anthropological perspective, the dignity of human work and his participation in the work of the Creator is emphasized. An important principle of Catholic social thought is solidarity; it indicates people's duty to help those in need both on the national and international level. The Church also stresses the principle of subsidiarity, according to which nothing should be done by more complex organizations which can be done by the people, communities or associations. The Catholic Church maintains that socialism is opposed to justice, whereby no one can be at the same time a good Catholic and a true socialist. It suggests improving the capitalist order not politically but rather in the light of the Gospel, whereby human society can heal by a return to Christian life and institutions. In 1984 and 1986 Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, which oversees the doctrine of the Catholic Church, condemned the liberation theology for employing Marxist methodology, since the latter is inseparable from atheist ideology. The liberation theology's view of ongoing class struggle is incompatible with the Christian idea of unity. The Church maintained that the notion of liberation used by the liberation theologians was erroneously reduced to political and socio-economic aspects, without taking into account the most important form of slavery – slavery to sin. Also corrupting was the liberation theologians' interpretation of the Scripture which highlighted the political rather than religious aspect of liberation. Although the liberation theologians claimed they could produce new structures of the society through a social revolution, the Church views evil of the structures as a consequence of man's actions, so evil will remain until people's hearts are transformed by the grace of Jesus Christ.
Fragmentation of the society and poverty existed in Latin America both before the 15th century when the Europeans colonized this region, as well as in the second half of the 20th century when liberation theology came into existence. Liberation theologians maintained that the Church cannot stay aside of the oppression that envelops the region but should rather condemn it and seek to transform the existing order through social and political means. The theologians perceived a division of the society into different classes and oppression both on the national and internationals levels, while maintaining that Christian love of one's neighbor is incapable of uniting the polarized classes. Liberation theology employed Marxist methodology to explain the present situation. Liberation was reduced to a political and socio-economic level, while interpretations of the Scripture highlighted the political aspect of liberation. Theologians judged society structures to be sinful and sought to liberate people from socio-economic oppression through a social revolution. Modern social teaching of the Catholic Church emerged in 1891 with Pope Leo XIII 's encyclical letter Rerum Novarum – On Capital and Labor. Catholic social teaching is based on ethics, theological anthropology and the conception of human salvation. Viewing human work from an anthropological perspective, the dignity of human work and his participation in the work of the Creator is emphasized. An important principle of Catholic social thought is solidarity; it indicates people's duty to help those in need both on the national and international level. The Church also stresses the principle of subsidiarity, according to which nothing should be done by more complex organizations which can be done by the people, communities or associations. The Catholic Church maintains that socialism is opposed to justice, whereby no one can be at the same time a good Catholic and a true socialist. It suggests improving the capitalist order not politically but rather in the light of the Gospel, whereby human society can heal by a return to Christian life and institutions. In 1984 and 1986 Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, which oversees the doctrine of the Catholic Church, condemned the liberation theology for employing Marxist methodology, since the latter is inseparable from atheist ideology. The liberation theology's view of ongoing class struggle is incompatible with the Christian idea of unity. The Church maintained that the notion of liberation used by the liberation theologians was erroneously reduced to political and socio-economic aspects, without taking into account the most important form of slavery – slavery to sin. Also corrupting was the liberation theologians' interpretation of the Scripture which highlighted the political rather than religious aspect of liberation. Although the liberation theologians claimed they could produce new structures of the society through a social revolution, the Church views evil of the structures as a consequence of man's actions, so evil will remain until people's hearts are transformed by the grace of Jesus Christ.
Socially Engaged Vietnam Buddhism and Liberation Theology in the Philippines: a Comparative, Postcolonial Perspective The aim of this Master thesis is to reveal the relationship between religion and politics in the postcolonial perspective, highlighting a difficult transformation of colonial Vietnamese and Filipinos societies to the independent nation states, where socially engaged Buddhism and liberation theology became influential phenomena. Despite the collapse of the colonial systems in Indochina and the Philippines, the representation of colonial interests continued through repressive regimes in Vietnam and Philippines. These regimes have caused public dissatisfaction with authoritarian leaders, especially Ngo Dinh Diem in Vietnam and Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines. Society understood the need of social change, which became impossible during authoritarian rule. Despite the fragmentation in both – Vietnamese and Filipinos – societies, socially engaged Buddhism and liberation theology started to be seen as an opportunity, which allow people to achieve the goal of social justice and fulfill the needs of citizens'. Basically, those religious phenomenon enabled subaltern to "speak" in any way by any means. This Master thesis is based on the theories of postcolonial discourse and mainly focuses on Franz Fanon, Homi K. Bhabha and Gayatri Ch. Spivak, who made a big influence on postcolonial literature. The development and resistance of religious communities and lay people in Vietnam and Philippines were analyzed through vital concepts of postcolonialism. "Hybidity", "ambivalence" and "self-consciousness" explain the changes of national elite and its identity as well as giving a reason why it transformed into a new colonial power. "Mimicry" describes why the imitation of colonialism usually fails and how socially engaged Buddhism and liberation theology became those powers that precisely fulfilled the needs of the nation. Also postcolonial perspective cannot be explained without "subaltern", which got a chance to "speak" while acting through the discourse of elite.
