When Western liberalism won the battle over fascism and communism, it declared 'the end of history'. The fall of the Berlin Wall and WTC towers has shaken this illusion to the ground. Carl Schmitt treated WWII as the beginning of the fall of Westphalian system. For this reason Schmitt proclaimed political theology as the means for Western identity's renewal. This notion coined by the Stoic Panaetius referred to the essential dependence of political and cultural phenomena on religion. Schmitt's version of political theology showed a way out of crisis and was at the same time incompatible with liberal dogmas of tolerance, political correctness and multiculturalism.
When Western liberalism won the battle over fascism and communism, it declared 'the end of history'. The fall of the Berlin Wall and WTC towers has shaken this illusion to the ground. Carl Schmitt treated WWII as the beginning of the fall of Westphalian system. For this reason Schmitt proclaimed political theology as the means for Western identity's renewal. This notion coined by the Stoic Panaetius referred to the essential dependence of political and cultural phenomena on religion. Schmitt's version of political theology showed a way out of crisis and was at the same time incompatible with liberal dogmas of tolerance, political correctness and multiculturalism.
The aim of the article is the analysis of the status of Carl Schmitt's political theology. It is argued that this conception can not be understood as a sociology of juristic concepts as it was described by its author. Today many interpretators attempt to explain political theology as a part of theology. This interpretation is deficient in some of its parts. Schmitt was developing a political theory which he called "political theology". This project has to be understood as an attempt to use theological argumentations and insights in the discourse of political philosophy. Schmitt's attempt to create a synthesis of theology and philosophy for the study of politics is similar to the aims of reactionary XIX century Catholic political philosophy of Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald and Juan Donoso Cortes.
The aim of the article is the analysis of the status of Carl Schmitt's political theology. It is argued that this conception can not be understood as a sociology of juristic concepts as it was described by its author. Today many interpretators attempt to explain political theology as a part of theology. This interpretation is deficient in some of its parts. Schmitt was developing a political theory which he called "political theology". This project has to be understood as an attempt to use theological argumentations and insights in the discourse of political philosophy. Schmitt's attempt to create a synthesis of theology and philosophy for the study of politics is similar to the aims of reactionary XIX century Catholic political philosophy of Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald and Juan Donoso Cortes.
The aim of the article is the analysis of the status of Carl Schmitt's political theology. It is argued that this conception can not be understood as a sociology of juristic concepts as it was described by its author. Today many interpretators attempt to explain political theology as a part of theology. This interpretation is deficient in some of its parts. Schmitt was developing a political theory which he called "political theology". This project has to be understood as an attempt to use theological argumentations and insights in the discourse of political philosophy. Schmitt's attempt to create a synthesis of theology and philosophy for the study of politics is similar to the aims of reactionary XIX century Catholic political philosophy of Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald and Juan Donoso Cortes.
The aim of the article is the analysis of the status of Carl Schmitt's political theology. It is argued that this conception can not be understood as a sociology of juristic concepts as it was described by its author. Today many interpretators attempt to explain political theology as a part of theology. This interpretation is deficient in some of its parts. Schmitt was developing a political theory which he called "political theology". This project has to be understood as an attempt to use theological argumentations and insights in the discourse of political philosophy. Schmitt's attempt to create a synthesis of theology and philosophy for the study of politics is similar to the aims of reactionary XIX century Catholic political philosophy of Joseph de Maistre, Louis de Bonald and Juan Donoso Cortes.
This article discusses the genesis of the political by treating this phenomena as a distinctive interaction between political and religious factors. The chirographic culture of memory, which is more characteristic of the Eastern nations, is being compared with the alternative culture of Ancient Greece, the so-called oroacoustic culture of memory. This article also examines the peculiarities of the political consciousness and religious mentality of Ancient Greece. The assumptions of legitimacy are considered as well, which are related to an identity crisis and a war between generations reflected, in theology, by the traditional world of the Fathers (Olympic) and the marginal world of the Sons (Delphic).
This article discusses the genesis of the political by treating this phenomena as a distinctive interaction between political and religious factors. The chirographic culture of memory, which is more characteristic of the Eastern nations, is being compared with the alternative culture of Ancient Greece, the so-called oroacoustic culture of memory. This article also examines the peculiarities of the political consciousness and religious mentality of Ancient Greece. The assumptions of legitimacy are considered as well, which are related to an identity crisis and a war between generations reflected, in theology, by the traditional world of the Fathers (Olympic) and the marginal world of the Sons (Delphic).
This article discusses the genesis of the political by treating this phenomena as a distinctive interaction between political and religious factors. The chirographic culture of memory, which is more characteristic of the Eastern nations, is being compared with the alternative culture of Ancient Greece, the so-called oroacoustic culture of memory. This article also examines the peculiarities of the political consciousness and religious mentality of Ancient Greece. The assumptions of legitimacy are considered as well, which are related to an identity crisis and a war between generations reflected, in theology, by the traditional world of the Fathers (Olympic) and the marginal world of the Sons (Delphic).
This article discusses the genesis of the political by treating this phenomena as a distinctive interaction between political and religious factors. The chirographic culture of memory, which is more characteristic of the Eastern nations, is being compared with the alternative culture of Ancient Greece, the so-called oroacoustic culture of memory. This article also examines the peculiarities of the political consciousness and religious mentality of Ancient Greece. The assumptions of legitimacy are considered as well, which are related to an identity crisis and a war between generations reflected, in theology, by the traditional world of the Fathers (Olympic) and the marginal world of the Sons (Delphic).
This article discusses the concept of the quality of being political and the relationship between power and authority. The theories of Carl Schmitt and Eric Voegelin were chosen as the main points of reference. Problems of the interaction of power and authority are discussed in the paper as well as the genesis of the quality of being political. The article attempts to prove that the phenomenon of power occurs in the Iron Age with the disappearance of the Eastern dominances. The prominence of a principle of supremacy of power becomes an issue when the authority, which demands hierarchy and alludes to the traditions of dominance, is sought to be eliminated.
This article discusses the concept of the quality of being political and the relationship between power and authority. The theories of Carl Schmitt and Eric Voegelin were chosen as the main points of reference. Problems of the interaction of power and authority are discussed in the paper as well as the genesis of the quality of being political. The article attempts to prove that the phenomenon of power occurs in the Iron Age with the disappearance of the Eastern dominances. The prominence of a principle of supremacy of power becomes an issue when the authority, which demands hierarchy and alludes to the traditions of dominance, is sought to be eliminated.
This article discusses the concept of the quality of being political and the relationship between power and authority. The theories of Carl Schmitt and Eric Voegelin were chosen as the main points of reference. Problems of the interaction of power and authority are discussed in the paper as well as the genesis of the quality of being political. The article attempts to prove that the phenomenon of power occurs in the Iron Age with the disappearance of the Eastern dominances. The prominence of a principle of supremacy of power becomes an issue when the authority, which demands hierarchy and alludes to the traditions of dominance, is sought to be eliminated.
This article discusses the concept of the quality of being political and the relationship between power and authority. The theories of Carl Schmitt and Eric Voegelin were chosen as the main points of reference. Problems of the interaction of power and authority are discussed in the paper as well as the genesis of the quality of being political. The article attempts to prove that the phenomenon of power occurs in the Iron Age with the disappearance of the Eastern dominances. The prominence of a principle of supremacy of power becomes an issue when the authority, which demands hierarchy and alludes to the traditions of dominance, is sought to be eliminated.
Fragmentation of the society and poverty existed in Latin America both before the 15th century when the Europeans colonized this region, as well as in the second half of the 20th century when liberation theology came into existence. Liberation theologians maintained that the Church cannot stay aside of the oppression that envelops the region but should rather condemn it and seek to transform the existing order through social and political means. The theologians perceived a division of the society into different classes and oppression both on the national and internationals levels, while maintaining that Christian love of one's neighbor is incapable of uniting the polarized classes. Liberation theology employed Marxist methodology to explain the present situation. Liberation was reduced to a political and socio-economic level, while interpretations of the Scripture highlighted the political aspect of liberation. Theologians judged society structures to be sinful and sought to liberate people from socio-economic oppression through a social revolution. Modern social teaching of the Catholic Church emerged in 1891 with Pope Leo XIII 's encyclical letter Rerum Novarum – On Capital and Labor. Catholic social teaching is based on ethics, theological anthropology and the conception of human salvation. Viewing human work from an anthropological perspective, the dignity of human work and his participation in the work of the Creator is emphasized. An important principle of Catholic social thought is solidarity; it indicates people's duty to help those in need both on the national and international level. The Church also stresses the principle of subsidiarity, according to which nothing should be done by more complex organizations which can be done by the people, communities or associations. The Catholic Church maintains that socialism is opposed to justice, whereby no one can be at the same time a good Catholic and a true socialist. It suggests improving the capitalist order not politically but rather in the light of the Gospel, whereby human society can heal by a return to Christian life and institutions. In 1984 and 1986 Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, which oversees the doctrine of the Catholic Church, condemned the liberation theology for employing Marxist methodology, since the latter is inseparable from atheist ideology. The liberation theology's view of ongoing class struggle is incompatible with the Christian idea of unity. The Church maintained that the notion of liberation used by the liberation theologians was erroneously reduced to political and socio-economic aspects, without taking into account the most important form of slavery – slavery to sin. Also corrupting was the liberation theologians' interpretation of the Scripture which highlighted the political rather than religious aspect of liberation. Although the liberation theologians claimed they could produce new structures of the society through a social revolution, the Church views evil of the structures as a consequence of man's actions, so evil will remain until people's hearts are transformed by the grace of Jesus Christ.