Suchergebnisse

Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.

Vrijeme kada nisu postojali odnosi između politike i sporta, bilo da se radi o svakodnevnoj praksi ili znanstvenoistraživačkim pristupima povezanosti tih dvaju pojmova, ako ga je ikada i bilo, svakako je odavno iza nas. Usprkos tome danas se čini da se, osobito u znanstvenoistraživačkom radu na području nekadašnjih sportskih socijalističkih velesila, tim odnosima ne posvećuje odgovarajuća pozornost i da se oni često a priori negiraju i smatraju nevažnima. Zbog toga je glavni cilj ovoga članka potaknuti raspravu o važnosti i smislu istraživanja odnosa između politike i sporta gledano iz dvije perspektive – s obzirom na iskustva znanstvenika iz cijeloga svijeta te s obzirom na dosad provedena istraživanja znanstvenika iz bivše Jugoslavije. Stoga smo u ovome članku najprije teoretski odredili kontekst odnosa politike i sporta, a zatim smo analizom postojeće svjetske literature i radova znanstvenika s prostora bivše Jugoslavije analizirali međusobnu povezanost sporta i politike. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata, koji potvrđuju stalnu i čvrstu povezanost, ali ujedno i suviše apstraktno i paušalno razumijevanje odnosa sporta i politike, nudimo politološki relevantnu tipologiju odnosa između politike i sporta. Smatramo da razlike između odnosa politike kao borbe za vlast, institucionalne strukture te koncepta javnointeresnog djelovanja i sporta presudno utječu na buduća obilježja odnosa sporta i politike. ; Times when relations between politics and sports did not exist – be it in everyday practices or within scientific research – is definitely long gone, if they ever even existed. Nevertheless, it seems today that, especially within scientific research, these relations do not receive appropriate attention in the territories of former socialist sports superpowers, being a priori denied and considered as unimportant. That is why the key motive of this article is to initiate a discussion about the relevance of knowledge and research of the relations between politics and sport from two perspectives – the existing world-wide political science research experiences gained so far and already conducted researches in the territory of former Yugoslavia. In doing so, we first theoretically define the context of sports and politics, and then with the use of the literature review method analyse their mutual connectivity in the world and, more narrowly, within the work of the scientific community in the region of former Yugoslavia. Based on the gained conclusions which confirm a tight and constant, but also often abstract and flat-rate understood interplay between both analysed phenomena, a special typology for their in-depth and political-science-focused study is delivered. It is believed that distinctions between political, polity and policy approaches to sport decisively influence the mode of their future interplay.

Autor u radu preispituje temeljne koncepte klasičnih teorija političkog odlučivanja i njihove usporedbe s donošenjem odluka tijekom rata. Obrađuju se dvije pionirske teorije političkog odlučivanja: ograničena racionalnost i inkrementalizam. Sukladno tome, autor prvo izlaže teorijski okvir u kojem opisuje prethodno navedene teorije te iznosi njihove temeljne koncepte. Potom se autor bavi vanjskom i obrambenom politikom te odlučivanjem u ratu, s fokusom na temeljne postulate rata Carla von Clausewitza. Nakon toga autor daje raspravu u kojoj preispituje sličnosti koncepata klasičnih teorija odlučivanja s temeljnim postulatima rata. U zaključku autor iznosi stajalište da se koncepti ograničene racionalnosti više podudaraju s postulatima rata nego inkrementalizam. ; The author of the paper examines the fundamental concepts of classical theories of political decision-making and comparisons with decision-making during wartime. Two theories at the forefront are examined: bounded rationality and incrementalism. In accordance with that, a theoretical construct is first conveyed and used to describe the aforementioned theories, as well as their fundamental concepts. Then, the author moves onto foreign and defense policy, as well as decision-making during wartime, focusing on Carl von Clausewitz's key postulates of war. This is followed by a discussion about the similarities between the classical concepts of decision-making and the basic postulates of war. To conclude, the author expresses the standpoint that the concepts of bounded rationality are more in keeping with the postulates of war than is the case with incrementalism.

Rad ima cilj da objasni značaj porodice kao faktora u vodećim mikro- i makro-teorijama porekla delinkvencije i da utvrdi uloge koje joj one dodeljuju u objašnjenju etiologije ovakvog ponašanja. Analiza je pokazala da mikro-teorije kao posebno značajnu ističu socijalizaciju i vaspitnu ulogu porodice kojom se oblikuju kako konformistički, tako i antisocijalni obrasci ponašanja, dok makro-teorije glavne uzroke devijantnosti pronalaze u strukturalnim karakteristikama društva, a porodicu prepoznaju kao faktora koji posreduje između društva i deteta. Analizom su utvrđeni i nedostaci proučavanih teorija. S obzirom na to da se baziraju na istraživanjima sprovedenim u SAD-u i zapadnoevropskim zemljama, one ne mogu u potpunosti da se primene na objašnjenje etiologije delinkvencije u svim društvima. Pored toga, mikro-teorije ne uzimaju u obzir karakteristike društva koje mogu da utiču na izbor vaspitnih metoda roditelja, razvoj njihovog vaspitnog stila i na njihovu odluku koje vrednosti će da prenesu deci, dok se makro-teorije ne bave pitanjem kakav uticaj imaju na devijantno ponašanje odlike onih društava, čiji su ekonomski, pravni i kulturni sistemi decenijama nestabilni, kao ni onih čiji se društveni sistem urušio i još uvek se nije reetablirao. Na osnovu ove analize može da se zaključi da uprkos važnoj ulozi koju roditelji imaju za usvajanje/sprečavanje antisocijalnog ponašanja, okvire u kojima će oni tu ulogu obavljati određuju karakteristike datog društva. ; This paper analyses the state of institutional trust (IT) in Croatia based on data collected by the Faculty of Political Science on a representative sample of Croatian citizens in eight time points over the past 20 years. Based on Easton's and Norris' concepts and considering previous studies on IT in Croatia, this paper brings some new elements. While most of the previous studies cover a maximum of three measurement points in a relatively short time span and analyse the latent structure of IT through an exploratory approach, this paper is based on an analysis ...

Gender and sexuality in the Croatian educational context occasionally resurface in the public discourse due to political instrumentalization but are largely neglected as a research topic. To address this absence, this paper presents original data on high-school and university experiences of queer persons collected in critically oriented research which examines social inequality of queer individuals in the Croatian educational institutions. Based on these data and drawing parallels with previous studies in an international context, the authors outline a theoretical approach that conceptualises gender and sexuality as interdependent social processes. Through showing how educational institutions actively marginalise persons of non-normative gender and sexual orientation, the authors point to the importance of conceptualising the everyday life of queer persons in education as a source of knowledge about these processes by highlighting the complex relationship between gender and sexuality – which authors do by establishing theoretical and methodological collaborations between sociology, queer theories as well as critical and institutional ethnography. The study's findings suggest that educational institutions have a mediating role in creating inequality based on gender and sexual differences since they function as spaces privileging heterosexuality and heteronormativity. This results in an ambivalent status of queer gender expressions and sexualities as they are simultaneously a subject of public negotiation and stigmatization and hidden in the private sphere of each person. (In)visibility and (non)acceptance of non-normative gender expressions and sexualities in the Croatian educational context imply a continuous process of managing one's identity between institutional and personal spheres of action. ; Teme roda i seksualnosti u obrazovnom kontekstu zbog političke instrumentalizacije povremeno su prisutne u javnom diskursu, ali su istraživački nedovoljno zastupljene. To osobito vrijedi za izvorna i kritički usmjerena istraživanja koja bi utvrdila kako obrazovne institucije u Hrvatskoj pridonose društvenoj nejednakosti queer osoba. Ovim se člankom pokušava nadomjestiti ta podzastupljenost teorijskom raspravom o konceptualizaciji roda i seksualnosti kao međuovisnih osobnih i društvenih procesa te prikazom rezultata istraživanja u kojem je taj pristup korišten. Kako dosadašnje spoznaje u međunarodnom kontekstu pokazuju, obrazovne institucije imaju aktivnu ulogu u procesima marginalizacije osoba nenormativne queer rodne i seksualne orijentacije, zato je nužno razumijevanje obrazovne svakodnevice kao izvora znanja o tim procesima kroz promišljanje isprepletenosti roda i seksualnosti. Ta isprepletenost u svrhu istraživanja društvene nejednakosti nastale na temelju rodne i seksualne različitosti mora teorijski i istraživački povezati sociologiju, queer teorije te kritičku i institucionalnu etnografiju. Na taj se način uspostavlja cjeloviti teorijski i metodološki pristup koji je korišten u istraživanju srednjoškolskog i visokoškolskog obrazovnog iskustva queer osoba u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da obrazovne institucije imaju posredničku ulogu u stvaranju nejednakosti na temelju rodnih i seksualnih različitosti. Obrazovne su institucije ponajprije prostor koji privilegira heteroseksualnost i heteronormativnost, dok su queer izričaji roda i seksualnosti s jedne strane predmetom javnog označavanja i stigmatiziranja, a s druge strane predmetom prisiljavanja na privatnu i skrivenu sferu. Ne/vidljivost i ne/prihvaćanje nenormativnih rodnih izričaja i seksualnosti za queer osobe u hrvatskom obrazovnom kontekstu predstavlja trajan proces pregovaranja između institucionalnih i osobnih domena djelovanja.

The origins, evolution, & present state of political economy as a field of scientific inquiry & academic course of study are discussed. The beginnings of political economy in the 17th century are outlined, & the discipline's development & branching during the next two centuries are noted. At the turn of the 20th century, political economy established itself as an autonomous economic science, but became marginalized in the research & teaching of economics for most of the century when it was appropriated by Stalinist ideology. Today, political economy is viewed as (1) one of the constitutive theories of political science; (2) a complex theory of development & change enabling the design of strategic scenarios of initiating, regulating, & implementing particular trends; (3) an economic analysis of politics & political institutions & processes; (4) a political analysis of economic institutions & processes; (5) a complex analysis of public policy as pertaining to economic activities; (6) an analysis of the relationships between the state & the economic sector; (7) an analysis of political-economic history; (8) a political-economic analysis of society; & (9) a political-economic analysis of the world economy (the political economy of globalization). The curriculum of a study course in political economy offered at the U of Ottawa & U of Zagreb is outlined. 124 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the methodological features of public choice theory. Drawing on James Buchanan's contribution, he demonstrates the differences between that kind of approach (often dubbed political economy) vs welfare economics & mainstream economics. Unlike welfare economics, which tries to work out the optimal state of allocation & distribution of economic resources by using certain logical rules based on Pareto principles, or mainstream economics, which tries to identify the improvements in observable economic categories (such as national income or investment consumption), political economy encompasses the process of collective decision making, ie, politics. In this, the efficacy criterion is the extent of consent (consensus) in collective decision making. The author concludes that Buchanan & G. Tullock's joint contribution in The Calculus of Consent paved the way for introducing a legitimate categorical mechanism for investigating the costs of political decision making in political science. 3 Figures, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author outlines the modern universalistic theories that assume the natural & historical unity of humankind &, using this as a starting point, predict a cosmopolitan & Eurocentric outcome of world history. Contrary to these universalistic theories, the contemporary globalist theories, the author claims, are pluralistic & multicultural & thus paradigmatically different from the panoptical theories of classic modernism. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes James Buchanan's theory of political constitution & his individualist understanding of political science. On the basis of homo economicus, Buchanan deduced the normative elements of political science, ie, the proposals for the choice of political institutions. In his opinion, the choice of political institutions always contains the ethical dimension. The positive elements of political science are illustrated by means of the analyses of the behavior of political actors within the designated framework. The author shows how this type of radical individualism does not satisfy the standards of political science since, de facto, it does away with the political sphere. Adapted from the source document.