Suchergebnisse

I'm standing outside a store in Meymaneh. It is May 2011. A few weeks before, the Norwegian UN employee Siri Skaare and several of her colleagues were brutally murdered when a mob attacked the UN camp in the neighboring city of Mazar-i-Sharif. Therefore, almost all foreigners left Maymaneh. There is a heavy atmosphere in the city. But we are considering the security situation to mean that it is safe to move around the town and are therefore out shopping. Along with some of my female colleagues, duly wrapped into large shawl covering all hair, we visited one carpet shop. But after 40 minutes of intense shopping, I take a break from all the bargaining and go out to look at life. A little boy standing outside. He is traditionally dressed, has a working scars shreds in your hands, around 12-14 years and smiles broadly at me. I smile back, and gets a little surprised when he says: 'How are you?' In good English. We are standing and chat. A piece out of the conversation he said: 'I feel so sorry for you, sir.' Hmm - I think. Seems this poor lad in one of the toughest countries sorry for me? 'Why?' I ask. 'Because you are going to hell.' What? - I'll go to hell? 'Why?' I ask again. 'Because you cannot control your women.' My surprise is great, and it gets bigger. During the conversation it emerges that this young boy seems genuinely sorry for me because my female colleagues, which he describes as my women, cannot be controlled because they are not wearing the traditional burqa. It is my responsibility to check them and make sure they are morally properly dressed, and since I cannot fix it, it's me Allah will judge the torments of hell, he argues. I cannot refrain from attempting to persuade the boy that there is an alternative thinking about women and their ability to make independent choices. But I fail - and we part as enemies. Adapted from the source document.

The Arctic is one of the largest regions on the globe, and is regarded as a vast storehouse of potential resources, including minerals. Both mining and tourism are rapidly growing economic sectors in the region. While the variety of tourism activities supported and offered is extensive, all of these activities are essentially forms of nature-based tourism.
Land-use conflicts between mining and tourism are likely to emerge when a new mine is opened close to a tourist area, because mining activities may dramatically change the landscape, which is essential for tourism. The impact greatly depends on the location of mining facilities, the physical size of the mining project, the mining processes used, logistics and how well the image of the mine and its end product fits in with the image of the tourist destination. While tourism and the mining industry may benefit from each other, the relationship between a mine and tourism is often asymmetrically counterproductive; where such a relationship exists, a need for regulation arises.
In this article, we assess the legal means available for resolving conflicts between the mining and tourism industries and discuss possibilities to improve these means. The two key regulatory instruments for governing such conflicts are land-use planning and mining permit processes. We illustrate the nature of conflicts and various decision-making procedures with reference to the Finnish legal framework and a case study on an ongoing mining project in the town of Kolari.

Many changes, both internally & externally, have been felt during the 20 yrs that a Democratic majority governed the US. Since Eisenhower's election in 1952 & re-election in 1956, it would be interesting to know to what extent the Republican majority can be considered to be stable. In 1956, the Democrats won the elections, the presidential party having failed, for the 1st time since 1848, to carry a majority to Congress in a Presidential election yr. PO polls show that there are 3 Democrats for every 2 Republicans. Stevenson was defeated because the Republicans were better organized than the Democrats, many of whom voted for Eisenhower or did not vote at all. Finally, the Republicans control almost all of the press & the media of propaganda & information, & the SS of Republicanism is more a matter of prestige than one of soc pressure. The Wc, while still almost exclusively Democratic in 1948, is becoming more & more Republican, while the moderates are gradually drifting from the Democratic party. Cath's, Ru voters, & individuals living in small towns are tending toward Republicanism, while the younger age groups of the New Deal generation are remaining faithful to the Democratic Party. The qualities of the candidates in 1952 & 1956 certainly played a role in the division of the votes, but if the prestige of the General was a factor, Stevenson also had traits in his favor. Domestic issues, especially the Negro question, had their influence, but foreign affairs is the area in which the diff's in the parties is most apparent. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

This book is about possibilities for, challenges for and knowledge about local cultural work among young people. It describes cultural work at a municipal level but shows also how this work is aiming to reach goals that it has in common with national cultural policy: quality, participation, inclusion, diversity and democracy. Using the municipality and town of Drammen as a vantage point, the book investigates how different parameters effect local cultural work, and how cultural policy at a municipal level is, by necessity, pragmatic, practical and sometimes prosaic. This topic is dealt with through a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis. The empirical data presented and discussed in the book is a combination of qualitative case studies and quantitative survey data. The survey data shows variations and patterns in the cultural consumption of an age cohort in the municipality, and the case studies show different ways of effectuating and organizing cultural work at this level. Finally, the book discusses the complex interplay between means and ends when a municipality is working to make culture matter for young people. - Denne boken handler om muligheter, utfordringer og kunnskap i lokalt kulturarbeid blant barn og unge. Den beskriver kulturarbeid på kommunalt nivå, men viser også hvordan dette arbeidet tar sikte på å nå nasjonale kulturpolitiske mål som kvalitet, deltakelse, inkludering, mangfold og demokrati. Med Drammen som et utsiktspunkt, undersøker boken hvordan ulike faktorer påvirker lokalt kulturarbeid, og hvordan kulturpolitikken på kommunalt nivå nødvendigvis er både pragmatisk og prinsipiell, praktisk og prosaisk. De empiriske dataene som presenteres og diskuteres i boken er en kombinasjon av kvalitative casestudier og kvantitative surveydata. Surveydataene viser variasjoner og mønstre i det kulturelle forbruket blant en hel aldersgruppe, og case-studiene viser ulike måter å gjennomføre og organisere kulturarbeid på dette området. Boken drøfter også det komplekse samspillet mellom midler og mål som er involvert når en kommune arbeider for å gjøre kultur betydningsfullt for unge mennesker.