Suchergebnisse

Темат је посвећен истраживањима савременог града у Србији и Бугарској. Он се састоји из шест радова и нуди компаративну перспективу актуелних друштвених процеса у две суседне балканске земље, које повезују многобројна искуства, опредељена историјским и политичким токовима. Упоредна истраживања друштвених кретања омогућују продубљеније разумевање и праћење глобалних проце- са. У данашњем, све више глобализованом и глокализованом свету, градови доживљавају нагле промене, или прецизније – промене се ту најизразитије очитавају. Истраживачки фокус темата је на динимици савременог града, на процесуалности и променама његових друштвених пракси. ; Тhe topic of this volume is a result from The Contemporary City in Serbia and Bulgaria: Processes and Changes, a bilateral project of the Institute of Ethnography of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Studies with Ethnographic Museum of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (2014-2016). The six papers offer a comparative view of current social processes in two neighbouring Balkan countries, linked by numerous historical and political experiences. Comparative research into societal trends enables a more thorough understanding and monitoring of global processes. In today's increasingly globalised and glocalised world, towns experience sudden changes and it is in the towns that these changes are most vividly to be seen. The focus of our research is on the dynamism of the contemporary town, on processuality and changes in societal practices. ; Тема броја: Град у Србији и Бугарској: компаративно ишчитавање актуелних процеса / Topic of the issue: The Town in Serbia and Bulgaria: a Comparative Reading of Current Processes

The institutional collapse of a once unique state SFR Yugoslavia at the beginning of the 1990s, devastated economy, hyperinflation, corruption and general tendencies contrary to the processes in developed countries, in a nutshell - the entire macroeconomic environment being unstable, - brought about the need for political, economic, social and institutional reforms in the Republic of Serbia. The reform, among other things, and for the study of the factual issues it is exceptionally significant, covered the system of resource distribution and jurisdiction between the central and subcentral levels of government. Numerous changes which then occurred in the last twenty years or so, and which are still going on, have influenced political and territorial polity of our country to become decentralized, as well as the financial and fiscal relations between the levels of the Establishment. In the spirit of reform commitments, Republic of Serbia brought in a new Constitution and adopted copious amounts of laws, whose ultimate intention was promoting the fiscal system that would be in accordance with the latest theoretical findings and examples of good practice. In the structure of territorial organization of Republic of Serbia, autonomous provinces as entities of territorial autonomy, and municipalities, towns and the city of Belgrade have been established, as entities of local self-governance. Otherwise, subcentral authority levels in our country are facing many and various challenges when it comes to creating government revenue which, in its original or transferred form, remains available, used to finance their government expenditure, a constant need for their abundance and suitability, and all in order to constitute financial autonomy, followed by methods of governing the economic development, as well as the volume and content of jurisdiction. Considering the fact that the distribution of resources amongst sub-central levels of government is preceded by the distribution of responsibilities, associated is the dilemma of which functions are realized more efficiently on a central and which on a subcentral level of government, and further, to what extent these lower levels are to be subservient to the central state, that is, in what sense independent. In that matter, it is essential to establish the extent of the realized fiscal decentralization, since depending on that degree, fiscal power is delegated to subcentral levels, the performance of public services is more efficient and is in accordance with priorities and preferences of citizens, which is also a precondition of successful functioning of all the segments of the public sector and widespread democratization of a society.

The two construction ventures mirrored political currents and were affected by politics while themselves making politics. In the aftermath of the regime's backlash following the Croatian quest for more autonomy within the Yugoslav federation, the Cathedral was reduced in size and relocated to an inappropriate site. Builders of the St. Sava's church, meanwhile, defied recommendations by experts to adjust its style to the surroundings or change the location. Even though the authorities offered financial assistance with the construction permit, the Serb church in Split remained unfinished. In the late 1980s as ethnic tensions grew and the multiethnic country was on the brink of war and disintegration, leaders of the Serbian Orthodox Church and propaganda in the capital of Serbia Belgrade exploited the Split case as an evidence of discrimination against the Serbian ethnic minority in predominantly Catholic Croatia. The Serbian Church, utilizing the unfinished temple, also attempted to revive symbolically the ancient Byzantine/Roman disputes over the church community in the ancient city in order to imply that there existed a long tradition and "continuity" of religious disputes in this region. Yet, both the Croatian authorities and the Catholic Church sought to appease the Serbian church, rather than to accept the challenges. This case demonstrates that the Serbian Orthodox Church followed the militant course of the regime in Serbia, which was the principal firebrand of the 1991-95 Balkan war. (SOI : CSP: S. 126) + This article is built on primary sources that include the author's research in the offices of state commissions for relations with religious communities with numerous interviews carried out between 1985-1991. It examines church-state relations and interconfessional rivalry under communism in the former Yugoslav federation of six republics. Construction of new religious facilities, especially in case of building of significant edifices symbols of religious and ethnic identity, was a popular practice by which religious institutions animated the faithful, sought to break the isolation imposed upon them by the regime, and symbolically expressed resistance against the communist system, and finally, competed with one another in a society with three major religious institutions and over forty minor religious groups. The analysis tracks down coinciding processes of rebuilding of two significant churches symbols. One is a Serbian Orthodox memorial church dedicated to the chief Serb national saint Sava, built in neo-Byzantine style, and installed amidst a historic Romanesque block in the predominantly Croatian Catholic town of Split. The other church under construction was the city's co-Cathedral of St. Peter the Apostle, damaged in World War II

26. jula 1963. godine katastrofalni zemljotres u Skoplju u kome je stradalo mnoštvo Ijudskih života i porušen ogroman broj zgrada, teško je pogodio i članove skopske Jevrejske opštine, a opštinsku zgradu demolirao i onemogućio njeno korišćenje. Zahvaljujući udruženim naporima i moralnoj podršci društveno-političkih faktora grada Skoplja, Saveza jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije, kao i jevrejskih međunarodnih humanitarnih organizacija i zajednica, jevrejska zajednica u Skoplju dobila je ponovo svoj dom, Jevrejski dom "dr Albert Vajs". Njegovo svečano otvaranje obavljeno je 11. oktobra 1966. godine, kao jedno od niza svečanosti organizovanih na dan jubilarne 25-godišnjice ustanka makedonskog naroda protiv fašističkog okupatora. Time su simbolizovani nastavak i obnavIjanje kontinuiranog rada ove Opštine i njena utkanost u kulturnu, političku i ekonomsku istoriju grada Skoplja. ; On July 26, 1963, the disastrous earthquake in Skoplje, which caused many human losses and destroyed the better part of the town, hit severely the members of the Jewish Community and demolished the Community building which had to be put out of use. Due to the united efforts, the moral and material assistance tendered by the social-political organizations of the city of Skoplje, the Federation of Jewish Communities in Yugoslavia, as well as by Jewish international humanitarian organizations and Jewish communities, the Skoplje Jewish Community received again its Home, the "Dr Albert Vajs Community Centre". The inauguration ceremony took place on October 11, 1966, in the frame of the celebrations honouring the 25th anniversary of the Uprising of the Macedonian people against the fascist occupation forces. This symbolized the continuation and renewal of this Community's activities and her kinship with the cultural, political and economic history of the City of Skoplje. ; Während seiner jahrzehnten langen Zrenjaniner und Banater Heimatforschungen wurde der Publizist und Historiker-Amateur Dragoljub Čolić (1908-1982) am meistens mit der Vergangenheit der jüdischen Volksgemeinschaft in diesem Gebiet beschaftigt. Er sammelte eifrig die auf die Banater Judentum bezüglichen historischen Quellen, sowie mundlichen Zeugnisse seiner jüdischen Mitbürgern; er verfasste verschiedenen statitischen auf die Juden betreffenden Übersichten und Listen, sowie zahlreiche Werke uber das Zrenjaniner und Banater Juden. In diese riesigen Forschungs- und Schaffungsprozessen, trat Čolić in Verbindung mit den bedeutenden gleichgesinnten und gleichwirkenden Personlichkeiten des judischen kulturellen und öffentlichen Lebens, nicht nur in Jugoslawien, sondern auch im Ausland (Israel). Aus dieser Kontakten entwickelte sich eine rege, inhaltsreiche und regelmaßige Korrespondenz, die heute innerhalb Čolić'schen Nachlass im Historischen Archiv Zrenjanin aufbewahrt ist (Archivbestand Nr. 667). Er wechselte Briefe mit dem Verein der jüdischen Kultusgemeinden Jugoslawiens, ferner mit Kuratorin des Jüdischen historischen Museum in Belgrad Vidosava Nedomački, sowie mit Yakir Eventov und Zwi Asaria aus Israel. Alle bis heutzutage hintergebliebenen Briefe zeigen eine rastlose und unermudliche Forschung- und Schaffungsnatur, sowie ein unerschopfendes Enthusiasmus für die Geschichte der Banater Juden, deren entsprechende Anerkennung jedoch bis heute ausgeblieben ist und deren Fruchte leider wenig bekannt und sehr unterschatzt sind. Deswegen ist die Herausgabe von Čolić'schen sehr interessanter jüdischen Korrespondenz, womit jüdische Kultusgemeinde in Zrenjanin ein Vierteljahrhundert-Jubilaum ihrer 1994-er Erneuerung feiert, nur ein Pladoye für die Veröffentlichung seiner sammtlichen Werken über die hiesigen Juden. Zweifellos wurde damit die große Lücke in ihrer Heimatgeschichte ausgefüllt worden sein.

Branimir Altgayer was the most prominent Croatian of German nationality in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, but he was especially so during the period of the Independent State of Croatia. Altgayer was born December 8, 1897 in the town of Przekopane (Galicia), where his father (born in Osijek) served as an Austro-Hungarian cavalry lieutenant. Altgayer spent his childhood in Slavonia, where he was brought up in a Croatian cultural atmosphere. After completing Croatian public school in Kutjevo and Croatian Gymnasium in Osijek and Zemun, he attended an Austro-Hungarian cavalry cadet school in Moravia between 1912 and 1915. He was an officer (ensign) in the Austro-Hungarian army (after 1915) until the end of the first world war, serving on the Russian, Rumanian, and Italian fronts. He was wounded twice and decorated several times. In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes he was a cavalry captain (first class) of the Royal army. Following four years of service, he resigned. He worked at various civilian occupations for a time, but returned to the military between 1924 and 1927. He was very active in the cultural and political life of the German minority of Osijek and Slavonia. He was selected to the united council of the German minority association, the Kulturbund of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (Schwäbisch-Deutscher Kulturbund), in December 1934. He was a prominent representative of the so-called Renewal movement (Erneuerungsbewegung), a radical current in the Kulturbund. Following a conflict between the old leaders of the Germans in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Renewalists which occasioned a split in the Kulturbund, Altgayer and the Renewalists are ejected from the Kulturbund for insubordination. At the beginning of 1936 he established a cultural and charitable organization for Germans of Slavonia in Osijek (Kultur-und Wohlfahrtsvereinigung der Deutschen in Slavonien). In January, 1939, he became a regional leader (Gauobmann) of the Germans in Slavonia (following the re-admittance of the Renewalists to the Kulturbund at the end of 1938). In early 1939, he leaves the Yugoslavian Radical Union, whose city councilor he was in Osijek, and joins the Croatian peasant party. After the creation of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) in 1941, he was named leader of the German National Assembly for the NDH (Volksgruppenführer). From December 1941 he was director of state for the presidency of the NDH, but after January 1943 he was secretary of state for the same, and he was likewise promoted to the rank of reserve colonel in the Ustasha army. He was decorated by Leader of the Ustasha Dr. Ante Pavelic with the title "knight". For a short time in mid-1943 he went to the Eastern Front. At the end of the second world war he was deported to Yugoslavia from Austria by the British. In 1950, the district court of Zagreb sentenced him to death by firing squad. The sentence was carried out May 15, 1950. The investigative material of the Office of State Security (UDB-a) concerning Altgayer, especially the transcript of the trial from 1949, is an excellent source of information about the German minority in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the thirties and during the period of the Independent State of Croatia. (SOI : CSP: S. 638)

Muzičke institucije u Beogradu i Srbiji u drugoj polovini 19. veka u velikoj su meri zavisile od inostranih kadrova, najčešće građana Austrougarske, usled nedostatka adekvatno obrazovanih domaćih muzičkih stručnjaka. Ovakva situacija doprinela je dolasku značajnog broja Čeha, Austrijanaca, Nemaca, kao i Mađara u srpske gradove gde su radili na muzičkom opismenjavanju kako imućnijih, tako i širih slojeva, a po tom i na utemeljenju i ekspanziji visoko umetničke i popularne muzičke prakse. Iz istih razloga se polovinom 60-ih godina u Beogradu našao i Slovenac Davorin Jenko koji će zahvaljujući svom angažmanu u Beogradskom pevačkom društvu i u Narodnom pozorištu steći značajan ugled u srpskoj sredini, kao i u među srpskom obrazovanom populacijom iz Austrougarske. Budući da se Jenkovo delanje u Beogradu poklapalo sa intenzivnim širenjem panslavističkog diskursa i diskursa kulturnog nacionalizma u okviru političkog, kulturnog, naučnog i umetničkog polja uspeh njegovih muzičkih ostvarenja i prestiž koji je vremenom sticao među publikom različitog društvenog profila nailazili su na podeljene reakcije među pripadnicima intelektualne elite. Činjenica da je kompozitor slovenačkog porekla stvarao muziku uglavnom proisteklu iz elemenata šire shvaćenog srpskog muzičkog foklora koju je publika prihvatala i prepoznavala kao srpsku muziku otvorila je prostor za polemike hroničara i komentatora beogradskog muzičkog života u srpskim, vojvođanskim i bosanskim listovima i časopisima. Pokušavajući da objasne fenomen srpske muzike "stranog" porekla autori su izvodili interpretacije koncepa srpstva otkrivajući u njemu izvesne epistemološke rupture. Rasprave oko statusa Jenkove muzike u vidu njenog poimanja kao srpske ili ne-baš-sasvim srpske, ukazivale su na različitost ideoloških pozicija koje su se pojavile u okviru srpske elite iz Kraljevine Srbije i Austrougarske. Cilj rada je da se ukaže na izdiferenciranost etničkog koncepta nacionalnog identiteta proisteklog kao rezultat nepoklapanja u viđenjima elite kada je reč o daljem razvoju srpske kulture. Važan segment predstavljaće predočavanje značaja te pojave u teorijskom i kulturno-istorijskom pogledu. ; In the second half of the 19th century music institutions in Belgrade and Serbia depended a lot on the work of foreign musicians, most of them citizens of Austria-Hungary, because of the continual lack of local educated professionals. Th ese circumstances contributed to the large-scale migration of Czech, Austrian, German and Hungarian musicians to Serbian towns where they helped with the expansion of the musical literacy of both the upper and middle-class parts of society, as well as the establishment of the high-art and popular music practices. Th e same type of "missionary work" motivated Slovenian musician Davorin Jenko to settle in Belgrade during the 1860s where he was active for several decades fi rst in the Belgrade's singing society and later in the National theater gaining public appraisal from the Serbian theatergoers, intellectuals and music experts both from Serbia and Austria-Hungary. Since Jenko's arrival to Belgrade coincided with the growing popularity of the Pan-Slavic ideas and the discourse of cultural nationalism in the fields of politics, culture, science and arts the success of his works among the theatre spectators and music consumers created divergent response in the parts of the Serbian elite. Th e fact that the composer of Slovenian origin created music on the basis of largely defi ned Serbian music folklore that was well accepted and perceived as Serbian among the consumers inspired the debates of music critics, chroniclers and experts in journals published in Serbia, Vojvodina and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Trying to explain the phenomenon of the Serbian music of "foreign" origin commentators performed diff erent interpretations of the concept of Serbian identity showing throughout the process its epistemological ruptures. Th e confl icting views on the status of Jenko's music as Serbian or not-completely-Serbian was a result of divergent ideological positions that appeared among the elites from Kingdom of Serbia and Austria-Hungary. Our aim is to point to the diversity of the defi nitions of the ethnic concept of nation and national identity among the Serbian elites at that time as a consequence of the diff erent understanding of the progress of Serbian culture. Th e special emphasis will be put on the theoretical and cultural-historical implications of that phenomenon.

deologically speaking, the initiators of founding all the political parties in Serbia were young intellectuals educated abroad. The ideology of political liberalism was brought to Serbia by young knowledgeable people educated in the West: Milovan Janković, Jevrem Grujić, Vladimir Jovanovic, Stojan Bošković, Filip Hristić, Đorđe Cenić and many more who published and initiated liberal-democratic ideas during the Peter Assembly in 1848. Only with St Andrea Assembly in 1858 did the Serbian Civil rebirth begin. During this assembly two political groups finally divided: the liberals and the conservatives. The most important attainment of the St Andrea Assembly in 1858 was the Act of National Assembly. This act initiated the introduction of the representative system in Serbia. In political history, the period from 1858 to 1869 represents the birth of the representative system in Serbia. The introduction of the representative system in Serbia by the Constitution of 1869 created the necessary political preconditions for organizing modern political parties. Regular political elections and participation of the Parliament in the legislative process resulted in a easier binding of the like-minded politicans with their political liders to whom it was important to strenghten their bonds with their electors. The fact that the constitutional elections took place every three years and that the Assembly took place every year led to the strenghening of the political parties in the state, since more thriving layers of society started entering the National Assembly, the delegates who infuenced the political life. After the Constitution of 1869 was enforced, the liberals are gathered under Jovan Ristić, and later the young oppositional conservatives are gathered. In the same time a third political party emerged, the supporters and followers of Svetozar Marković. The organized political parties did not emerge immediately after the Regent's Constitution although it guaranteed a selection of political rights and freedom necessary for the emergence of the political parties, such as voting right, the freedom of speech and the freedom of press. This poses a question why did it never happen? The answer is to be looked into the intention of the Regency and later Regent Milan to unable the education of the political parties. In a situation when the Regency was closer to conservative than liberal ideas, it was hard to discuss organized political parties. The non-existence of political discipline as well as well political programs adversely affected the emergence of modern political parties. 277 Assembly Elections of October 1874 had a great impact on the history of political parties in Serbia. After the elections, a few political parties emerged in the Assembly: St Andrea Liberals under Jevrem Grujić, Libears under Ristić, Conservatives under Jovan Marinović, the beginnings of Young Conservatives and People's Party of the future Radicals. The organizing of political parties was sped up by young intellectuals gathered round the paper "Videlo" and connected with the People's party in the National Assembly. The beginning of 1881 saw the emergence of modern organized political parties in Serbia: People's Radical Part, Progressive Party and Liberal Party. Until that period delegates in the National Assembly mainly performed individually, and after 1881 they perform in accordance with political program, respecting political discipline. In view of organization and the functioning, the radicals went further, because they realized that organization is of utter importance for successful functioning and development of political parties. Pera Todorovic was given most credit for organizing the Radical Party. His organization contributed a round of hierarchical organizational units starting with local committees in every small town, counties, and to the Main Committee as the supreme organ of the party. Speaking about organization of the other two political parties it could be said that they too emerged with statues similar to the radical one. However, they never occupied such number of members as the Radical Party. The main characteristic of the political life in Serbia during the 80s of the 19th century consisted of bitter fights between the Radical and the Progressive Party in which King Milan Obrenovic sided with the Progressive Party. He was the reason why the radicals, although during the period 1882-1883 in majority, they never succeeded to come to power nor for the years to come. Dedicated to unable radicalism in Serbia, Milan showed even greater resistance toward the liberal reforms and greater affection toward emergence of personal regime. After the Timok Rebellion many radical leaders were convicted for many years, and the political leader Nikola Pasic was in emigration. Among the radicals, involving even those in the custody, slowly awareness was raised that the accord with the crown was necessary. Treaty with the radicals was initiated by King Milan so as to reinforce his personal strength, decreased in the war with Bulgaria. Although hungry for power, the radicals denounced the king's offer in Nis at the beginning of 1886. Radical leaders signed a treaty with liberals instead of progressives in 1887. The King did not have many possibilities, either to give radicals power and concede defeat or to draw back. Radical-liberal coalitional government gave great attention to the constitutional problem solving. Due to the fact that the first coalitional government was short-lived, it did not solve any problems. Similar situation happened with the first homogenous radical government that did not succeed anything more than its program, due to the fact that it was smothered by the King Milan's party. The Constitutional reform of 1888 had a big impact on political and constitutional life of Serbia. The multiannual struggle of the People's Radical Party was crowned by passing the constitution by the principle of majority. 278 The position of the Radical Party is changed from the ground, because it came to power and made its own cadre consisting of young intellectuals. Oversight over the whole work of the radical government from 1889 to 1892 shows that the radicals on the one hand showed great effort to introduce the constitution into the political life of Serbia, and on the other to limit the ruler's power. However, it is important not to forget the fact that the parliamentary regime on whom so many radicals insisted was more and more changing into a totalitarian one-party system. The parliamentary system that enabled the absolute power of the Radical Party in all state institutions was short-lived. King Alexander had an immense wish to stop as soon as possible with all the new-laid things that were introduced by the parliamentary system and that is the reason he was constantly fighting with the political parties and very frequently insisted on coup. In 1894 he suspended the 1888 Constitution and reenacted the 1869 one. After that, a regime based on self-will came to power, which lasted until 1901, year when King Alexander passed a new constitution. Political life in time of self-willed regime of king Alexander was very tough, because the ruler denounced the parties with the basic idea: "to renounce with parliamentarism if we wish to arrange this state properly". The last Obrenovic tried to denounce the existence of the Constitution, the government and the National Assembly by conducting various experiments. His "neutral" governments, which consisted of unforced political personnel, were under his impact. The whole political system turned round one political person, the king, which succeeded in dividing and manipulating the political parties. Neutralizing the People's Radical Party dominance could not have lasted any longer, due to the fact that it was impossible that the party with the biggest support be in opposition any longer. The king's wedding to Draga Masin represents a turning point in political life of Serbia. The shackles of the self-willed regime started to diminish, because the king wanted "to please the parties and the nation, so that they would accept the queen." The king's compromise with the strongest party in the country did not achieve results, due to the fact that among them existed huge differences in view of "state conceptions". The radicals advocated for parliamentary monarchy in which the power would belong to the most popular party, whereas the crown advocated the constitutional monarchy in which the ruler would be a puppet in enforcing the power of the National Assembly. Co-operational politics between the king and the radicals were short-lived, since it turned out that the representatives of the two opposite state conceptions were incapable of reaching an agreement. Shorty, the king realized that the treaty with the radicals was impossible to be kept and decided to return to previous politics, as before signed by the treaty in 1901. The renewed return to the self-willed regime sped up the preparations of the conspirators that in the night of May 28th/June 10th/ May 29th June 11th staged a coup.