Bariery pozataryfowe: narzȩdzia polityki handlowej i neoprotekcjonizmu lat siedemdziesia̧tych
In: Zeszyty naukowe, seria II - Akademia Ekonomiczna w Poznaniu : Prace habilitacyjne i doktorskie zesz. nr 57
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In: Zeszyty naukowe, seria II - Akademia Ekonomiczna w Poznaniu : Prace habilitacyjne i doktorskie zesz. nr 57
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 95-115
ISSN: 2719-7131
Genetic modifications of organisms arouse a lot of controversy. Some people consider them to be beneficial for the future of the world, others, on the contrary, see them as a series of threats. For this reason, the function of the State is important, through creating specific regulations, controls the flow of GMO products on its territory. There are doubts, whether the regulations sufficiently protect the domestic market against uncontrolled flow of genetically modified products. Also the question remains if the scope of norms is sufficient, and the use of GMOs is appropriate for the safety of the environment.
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
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Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
BASE
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
BASE
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
BASE
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
BASE
Labour relations as well as labour law are constantly changing, and the political system, economic and social situation in the country as well as the relationship between employees, which are usually represented by trade unions, employers and their organizations and the state, have a decisive influence on their evolution. In this respect, the situation in the Międzymorze (Intermarium) countries is diverse, and therefore they belong to various European social models. In the current period, after the 2008-2009 crisis, it is common for the Międzymorze countries to strive to increase the flexibility of labour relations and to limit the influence of the state in providing employment and living standards. The exception, however, is Belarus, in which in 2012-2014 the state's influence on the regulation of labour relations was increased.
BASE
The process of globalization in the production and distribution of food, ongoing for many years, causes a number of problems. Agreement on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), negotiated since 2013 by the US and the EU, is one of the instruments to manage of globalization process. The Agreement is aimed at liberalization of trade of goods and services. This article presents the US and the EU regulation on genetically modified food and assessment of the consequences of TTIP Agreement for the regulation of GM food in the EU. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the approach to genetically modified food in the legal regulations of the EU and the US vary significantly. In the US, it was assumed that GM food is not different from conventional food and, consequently, the consumer does not need to be informed on GM food contents. In opposition to the US approach the EU law separately regulates GM food and gives the consumer the ability to make choice of food which differs only by the usage of genetic engineering. Authors conclude, that the signing of TTIP and the full opening of the EU market for food from the US may result in loss of supervision over genetically modified food by EU public authorities as well as the collapse of the EU model of consumer protection based on the precautionary principle. ; Postępujący od wielu lat proces globalizacji w produkcji i dystrybucji żywności wywołuje szereg problemów. Instrumentem służącym do zarządzania tym procesem jest w szczególności negocjowana od 2013 r. przez USA i UE umowa o Transatlantyckim Partnerstwie Handlowo-Inwestycyjnym (TTIP). Ma ona na celu wzajemną liberalizację handlu towarami i usługami. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie amerykańskiej i unijnej regulacji dotyczącej żywności genetycznie zmodyfikowanej oraz ocena konsekwencji zawarcia porozumienia TTIP dla regulacji żywności GMO w UE. Analiza prowadzi do wniosku, że podejście do żywności genetycznie modyfikowanej w regulacji prawnej UE i USA jest zupełnie odmienne. W USA przyjęto założenie, iż żywność GMO nie różni się od żywności konwencjonalnej, a w konsekwencji konsument nie musi być informowany o żywności GMO. W przeciwieństwie do regulacji amerykańskiej prawo UE odrębnie reguluje żywność genetycznie zmodyfikowaną i daje konsumentowi możliwość dokonywania samodzielnego wyboru żywności różniącej się wyłącznie zastosowaniem inżynierii genetycznej. W konkluzji autorzy stwierdzają, iż zawarcie TTIP i pełne otwarcie rynku UE na żywność z USA może spowodować utratę nadzoru nad żywnością GMO przez władze publiczne w UE i załamanie unijnego modelu ochrony konsumenta opartego na zasadzie ostrożności.
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In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 2, Heft 4, S. 81-106
ISSN: 2719-7131
TTIP - the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is an agreement that carries a number of risks for the economy, the natural environment, consumer rights, labour rights and access to public services in the European Union. The mechanisms included in the agreement, concerning the settlement of disputes between states and foreign investors, pose a number of threats to democracy as well. The benefits that are supposed to result from the implementation of the agreement will primarily be reaped by large corporations involved in the transatlantic trade. Mostly the citizens and societies of the EU member states will be under threat from the agreement. The principle of mutual recognition of regulations, which is expected to be practically universally used in accordance with the agreement, will mean in practice lowering safeguards protecting the rights of citizens, workers and consumers in the European Union. The liberalization of trade within the TTIP will be a factor forcing increased competition also in relation to the Polish small and medium-sized enterprises, and as a result, putting also pressure to reduce wages and other costs, including those related to the need of complying with the norms or standards. Thus, there are far more threats than benefits of the agreement.
For much of the 20th century Polish governments heavily regulated foreign trade, but the degree of this influence differed. When Poland became independent in1918, the state took almost complete control over the sector. Atentative liberalization was stopped by the customs war with Germany in1925, and later by the Great Depression. The final years before the Second World War saw an increase inthe state's influence through the exchange control. Regulations became stricter under different conditions inthe post-war period, with the state monopolizing foreign trade entirely. After the end of Stalinism in1956, Poland slowly opened up its economy, but until the 1980s changes were limited inscope. Atrue breakthrough came with the transition, which started in1989. Notonly did the country open up, but inthe coming years, the government ceded some of its powers relating toforeign trade tothe European Union. During the interwar period, as well as after 1989, Poland followed worldwide trends. The communist period was an aberration inthe sense of producing an ineffective system. Both before the war and under the communist regime, foreign trade was expected tobring mostly static gains. This changed significantly only after 1989. ; Wpolskiej polityce handlowej naprzestrzeni ostatnich stu latmożna zaobserwować fluktuacje wstopniu wpływu państwa nawymianę. Zaczęto od niemal pełnej kontroli państwa nad handlem zagranicznym uprogu niepodległości, następnie trend stopniowej liberalizacji został przerwany przez wojnę celną zNiemcami iwielki kryzys, zaś ostatnie lata przed wybuchem drugiej wojny światowej były świadkami ponownego przejęcia kontroli nad handlem zagranicznym przez rozbudowane instytucje państwowe. Wzrost zaangażowania państwa wystąpił wzupełnie innym kontekście pozakończeniu wojny wraz zwprowadzoną przez komunistów monopolizacją wymiany międzynarodowej. Po okresie stalinowskim doszło do odwrócenia kierunku zmian istopniowej liberalizacji wymiany. Początkowo była ona bardzo ograniczona, przyspieszyła jednak wlatach 80., zasadniczy przełom nastąpił zaś wtrakcie transformacji gospodarczej po1989 r. Charakterystyczną konsekwencją integracji gospodarczej następnych latbyło scedowanie wielu instrumentów prowadzenia polityki handlowej nainstytucje międzynarodowe –przede wszystkim zaś naUnię Europejską. Zarówno wczasie Drugiej, jak iTrzeciej Rzeczypospolitej, polityka handlowa prowadzona była zgodnie ztrendami światowymi. Odstępstwem od nich była narzucona zzewnątrz polityka latkomunizmu.
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The subject of considerations are the legal aspects of the influence of the EU climate and energy framework and trade policy on implementation of permanently sustainable forestry. Even though forestry belongs to the competences of Member States and there is no formal establishment of common forest policy in the TFEU, the new LULUCF Regulation and provisions of regulations regarding prevention of illegal timber trade prove that there is an ongoing process of subjecting forestry to the competencies of the European Union to a growing extent as well as reducing the area left to Member States. It must be stated that the platform for expansion of EU regulations on Member States' forestry in terms of land use and timber trade – acts adopted within the trade policy and climate and energy framework – is the principle of sustainable development that derives from international legislation and is also included in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. This principle is also the foundation for development of the beginnings of common forest policy that emerges at the verge of EU policies. ; Przedmiotem rozważań są prawne aspekty wpływu unijnej polityki klimatyczno-energetycznej oraz handlowej na realizację trwale zrównoważonej gospodarki leśnej. Mimo zaliczenia gospodarki leśnej do kompetencji krajów członkowskich i braku formalnego ustanowienia wspólnej polityki leśnej w TFUE nowe rozporządzenie LULUCF oraz przepisy rozporządzeń dotyczących przeciwdziałania nielegalnemu obrotowi drewnem świadczą o postępującym procesie coraz większego podporządkowania gospodarki leśnej kompetencjom Unii Europejskiej i redukowania obszaru zostawionego krajom członkowskim. Realizując cel rozważań, stwierdzić należy, że płaszczyzną ekspansji unijnej regulacji obejmującej gospodarkę leśną krajów członkowskich w sferze zarządzania gruntami, a także obrotu drewnem, a więc aktów przyjętych w ramach polityki handlowej i klimatyczno-energetycznej, jest zasada zrównoważonego rozwoju wywodząca się z prawa międzynarodowego, uregulowana także w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Zasada ta stanowi również podstawę do kształtowania się zalążków wspólnej polityki leśnej, wyłaniającej się na styku innych unijnych polityk.
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In: Wrocławskie studia politologiczne: czasopismo Instytutu Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Heft 15, S. 38-47
ISSN: 1643-0328
In: De securitate et defensione: O bezpieczeństwie i obronności, Band 7, Heft 2
ISSN: 2450-5005
The Paris events recorded in November 2015 once again made people realize that Europe may also be the area of influence of contemporary terrorism. Individual countries and international organizations look for solutions that will improve security and thus reduce the risk of other attacks. One of the ways to reduce the potential risk of acts of terror is the imposition of restrictive regulations by the European Union regarding access to firearms and the sale of firearms. The article identifies contemporary terrorism as one of the most serious threats to international security. It presents and analyses formal, legal, and institutional solutions used in the fight against the phenomenon of terrorism. First, the analysis focuses on the solutions ap-plied by countries belonging to the United Nations Organization (UNO), and then the regula-tions adopted by the European Union. The rules governing the access to firearms by EU citi-zens, as well as the rules regarding the trade in firearms in the territory of the EU and the impact of these solutions on reducing the risk of terrorist attack, were analysed in detail.