Suchergebnisse

Since the Webbs published Industrial Democracy at the end of the nineteenth century, the principle that workers have a legitimate voice in decision-making in the world of work – in some versions through trade unions, in others at least formally through separate representative structures – has become widely accepted in most West European countries. There is now a vast literature on the strengths and weaknesses of such mechanisms, and we review briefly some of the key interpretations of the rise (and fall) of policies and structures for workplace and board-level representation. We also discuss the mainly failed attempts to establish broader processes of economic democracy, which the eclipse of nationally specific mechanisms of class compromise makes again a salient demand. Economic globalization also highlights the need for transnational mechanisms to achieve worker voice (or more radically, control) in the dynamics of capital–labour relations. We therefore examine the role of trade unions in coordinating pressure for a countervailing force at European and global levels, and in the construction of (emergent?) supranational industrial relations. However, many would argue that unions cannot win legitimacy as a democratizing force unless manifestly democratic internally. Therefore we revisit debates on and dilemmas of democracy within trade unions, and examine recent initiatives to enhance democratization.

Of the trade union confederations founded after the overthrow of the Ceaucescu regime in December 1989, only the CNSLR-Fratia, Alfa Cartel, BNS and CSDR exert any significant influence on political developments in Romania. The legal framework governing collective bargaining imposes relatively tight constraints on trade union activities. The trade unions are protecting workers' interests in an economy which is still largely state-controlled and whose level of efficiency leaves little leeway for improving working and living conditions. Despite the difficult economic situation, the level of unionisation in state-owned companies is relatively high. The lack of alternative job opportunities and the existence of only insufficient unemployment benefits have hitherto constituted major barriers to the introduction of the social market economy which the trade unions would like to see.

This report on Maltese trade unions forms part of a wide-ranging project, initiated and coordinated by the European Trade Union Institute (ETUI), which aims to map changes in unionisation and the varying organisational structures of unions in the 'New Member States' (NMS) of the European Union (EU).Although there is a burgeoning literature on the present and future prospects of unionism which includes some of the countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) (for example, Gall 2009; Phelan 2009, 2007), trade union morphology in these countries is rarely studied. Moreover, the smaller countries are often omitted, as are the Mediterranean islands – and since 2004, EU member states – of Cyprus and Malta. While rigorously scrutinised data on union development are available for almost all countries that joined the EU before 2004, basic information on trade unions in the NMS is largely lacking. This is not to say that no data are available on union membership and structure for the NMS. ; N/A

Trade unions in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have historically faced discrimination and intimidation, which has impacted how they operate and to what extent they are able to realise various freedoms and rights. Despite the fact that trade unions can fit in a variety of human rights realms, such as the United Nation Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs), the author decided to focus on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in recognition of the 2016 initiative of the ASEAN Guidelines for Corporate Social Responsibility on Labour. Thus, this paper entitled 'Trade Unions in ASEAN: Their Status and Role in the Application of CSR Practices with the Example of Cambodia' discusses trade unions, and how CSR strategies affect trade union activity and strategies and vice versa. It establishes that countries belonging to the Global South suffer from exploitation at the hands of industrialised countries. While generally, ASEAN has made progress, the remaining lack of convergence of labour laws remains an obstacle for the advancement of labour rights. Moreover, even with national and international human rights frameworks put in place, the region focuses mostly on economic development and growth. A case study of Cambodia's garment sector illustrates that even though collective bargaining rights are formally acknowledged and ratified by the country's government, creating and maintaining a space in which those rights can flourish remains challenging. Abuse and neglect at the hands of states and businesses alike have led trade unions to find their own channels to create awareness about abuses, for instance through exercising pressure on buyers and engaging in cross-regional and international collective trade union activities. Lastly, this paper concludes that new key players must be identified to put forward a positive outlook on the respecting and promoting of trade unions. Findings were entirely drawn from secondary data, such as journal articles, reports and news.

This article examines recent developments in union recognition in Britain and assesses the influence of the statutory union recognition provisions contained in the Employment Relations Act 1999 upon the gaining of union recognition and the capacity of unions to take advantage of this more favourable legal environment. It details the significant increase in new union recognition agreements, concluding that the new law is one among a number of factors explaining this growth. However, the impact of the rise in new agreements is found to have made a negligible impact on aggregate union recognition coverage, indicating the limitations to union capacity to significantly increase coverage with a more favourable environment at hand.

"Trade union act rules, 1913": 2 p. inserted between p. 132 and 133. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Notwithstanding the shortcomings of the co-operation so far, the political and socio-economic contexts of Mozambique indicate that there is a large need for a stronger trade union movement. Henceforth, a continuation of the co-operation recommended based on a deepgoing redesign of the programme. Tilknyttet prosjekt Evaluering av LOs samarbeid med fagbevegelsen i Mosambik

The young trade union movement in Malaya has been subjected to many stresses that have limited its effectiveness either as a political force or as a means of achieving the goals of labor. Communist-dominated up to the time of Communist party armed rebellion against the British colonial and protectorate governments, since 1948 the movement has under British influence been develop ing slowly along liberal lines. A plural society, a lopsided representation in ex isting unions, and poor organization and financing have continued to attenuate the movement, while the growth of a new militant left wing has split it at a time, shortly before Malayan independence, when it needs all the strength it can muster.—Ed.