Suchergebnisse

Istraživanja u slovenskim poduzećima pokazuju da se u sedamdesetim godinama oligarhijska struktura moći u poduzeću nije promijenila. To potvrđuju percepcije ispitanika o strukturi moći i vlastitoj nemoći. Malo značenje sindikata za socijalnu organizaciju poduzeća vidi se iz činjenice da je većina radnika koji se ne smatraju članovima sindikata. To, također, potvrđuju podaci istraživanja koji govore o nereprezentativnosti sindikata. Na drugoj strani, radnici priželjkuju njegovu zaštitiničku ulogu. Članak upozorava na ulogu dominantne koalicije moći pri nedemokratičnom izboru samoupravnih organa i analizira ideologiju samoupravljanja kao faktor neinstitucionalizirane socijalne stratifikacije. ; The research of Slovenian enterprises reveals that the oligarchical structure of power in the enterprise has not changed in the seventies. It is verified by the perceptions of respondents on the structure of power and their own powerlessness. The meager significance of trade-unions for the social organization of the enterprise is evident from the fact that the majority of workers do not consider themselves to be members of the trade-union. Furthermore, it is verified by the research results which demonstrate non-representativeness of trade-unions. On the other hand, workers desire the protective role of trade-union. The article cautions about the role of the dominant power- -coalition in non-democratic elections of self-management bodies and analyses the ideology of self-management as a factor of non-institutionalized social stratification.

Slovenia & Croatia differ greatly concerning the political position of their trade unions & their clout in political decision-making. The Slovenian way & pattern is inclusive & the Croatian conflictual. The difference -- despite the common historical legacy of Yugoslav self-management -- can be explained by the political interventions of the governments & the elites that played the dominant role in the early, formative, years of the transition. The pattern entrenched in that period persists, even when some radical reform is attempted & a new path chosen. Such a reversal was attempted after 2000 both in Slovenia & Croatia, but both attempts failed. References. Adapted from the source document.

Predmet ovog diplomskog rada su obilježja vanjske trgovine Europske unije sa SAD-om. Rad se sastoji od šest međusobno povezanih dijelova, u kojima je osim uvodnih i zaključnih riječi objašnjena trgovinska politika Europske unije te SAD-a. Trgovinska politika Europske unije opisana je s nekoliko primjera potpisanih sporazuma između Europske unije i drugih država. Također je opisana i nova trgovinska strategija Europske komisije koja se primjenjuje u pregovorima o Transatlantskom partnerstvu za trgovinu i ulaganja (TTIP). Prikazana je trgovina izemđu EU-a i SAD-a, uvoz i izvoz proizvoda i usluga te kretanje međusobnih investicija. Pregovori o TTIP-u između Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država traju od srpnja 2013. godine te je održano trinaest runda pregovora. Odvijaju se u tri područja: pristup tržištu, regulatorna usklađenost i pravila. Cilj pregovora je ukloniti prepreke u trgovini kako bi se olakšala kupovina i prodaja roba i usluga između EU-a i SAD-a. U pregovore su uključeni i predstavnici interesno-utjecajnih skupina koji dolaze iz područja akademske zajednice, sindikata, predstavnika privatnog sektora i nevladinih organizacija. ; The subjects of this diploma thesis are the characteristics of European foreign trade to the USA. The work consists of six mutually related parts, which, except introduction and conclusion, explain the trade policies of the European Union and the USA. The trade policies of the European Union are described with several examples of signed agreements between the European Union and other states. The new trade strategy of the European Commission, which is currently being applied in Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, has also been described. On-going cooperation between the European Union and the United States of America has been represented and systematized. This includes import and export of products, services and investments between the European Union and the United States. The TTIP negotiations between the European Union and the United ...

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.

Predmet ovog diplomskog rada su obilježja vanjske trgovine Europske unije sa SAD-om. Rad se sastoji od šest međusobno povezanih dijelova, u kojima je osim uvodnih i zaključnih riječi objašnjena trgovinska politika Europske unije te SAD-a. Trgovinska politika Europske unije opisana je s nekoliko primjera potpisanih sporazuma između Europske unije i drugih država. Također je opisana i nova trgovinska strategija Europske komisije koja se primjenjuje u pregovorima o Transatlantskom partnerstvu za trgovinu i ulaganja (TTIP). Prikazana je trgovina izemđu EU-a i SAD-a, uvoz i izvoz proizvoda i usluga te kretanje međusobnih investicija. Pregovori o TTIP-u između Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država traju od srpnja 2013. godine te je održano trinaest runda pregovora. Odvijaju se u tri područja: pristup tržištu, regulatorna usklađenost i pravila. Cilj pregovora je ukloniti prepreke u trgovini kako bi se olakšala kupovina i prodaja roba i usluga između EU-a i SAD-a. U pregovore su uključeni i predstavnici interesno-utjecajnih skupina koji dolaze iz područja akademske zajednice, sindikata, predstavnika privatnog sektora i nevladinih organizacija. ; The subjects of this diploma thesis are the characteristics of European foreign trade to the USA. The work consists of six mutually related parts, which, except introduction and conclusion, explain the trade policies of the European Union and the USA. The trade policies of the European Union are described with several examples of signed agreements between the European Union and other states. The new trade strategy of the European Commission, which is currently being applied in Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, has also been described. On-going cooperation between the European Union and the United States of America has been represented and systematized. This includes import and export of products, services and investments between the European Union and the United States. The TTIP negotiations between the European Union and the United States of America have started in July 2013, and so far there have been thirteen rounds of negotiations completed. The TTIP negotiations are being held in three parts: the market access, regulatory cooperation and rules. The aim of the negotiations is the removal of obstacles within trade in order to facilitate purchasing and selling of goods and services between the EU and the USA. Various representatives of interest and influence realms of academia, unions, the private sector and non-government organisations are all participating in the negotiations.

Velika kriza sedamdesetih u Velikoj Britaniji je poprimila dramatične razmjere u zimi 1978./1979., poznata kao Winter of Discontent. Nezadovoljstva izražena u štrajkovima nisu bila samo znak radničkih previranja radi ostvarivanja socijalnih prava već puno dublji pokazatelj ozbiljne državne krize. Kao odgovor na poremećaj u ekonomskome, političkome i društvenome životu pojavio se tačerizam i označio početak transformacije britanske države. Tačerizam je utemeljen prvenstveno na snažnim uvjerenjima i jakoj političkoj volji da se provedu u život. Internaliziranje i odanost idejama poput slobodnoga tržišta, individualizma, slobode i samoodgovornosti rezultirali su tačerizmom i respektabilnom političkom dugovječnosti. Svaka politika određena je vrijednostima koje zagovaraju političke vođe, a uspjeh je dobrim dijelom ovisan o tome koliko su vođe istinski odane vrijednostima koje sami zagovaraju. Revolucionarne promjene koje je provodila, učinile su Thatcher jednom od najvećih političkih ličnosti 20. stoljeća, ali neizbježno i kontraverznom. ; The crisis in Great Britain during the 1970s became dramatic in winter 1978/1979 known as Winter of Discontent. Dissatisfactions expressed in strikes were not only the sign of workers' turmoil for realization of social rights but also a deeper indicator of serious state crisis. Thatcherism appeared as the answer to disorder in economic, political and social life and it marked the beginning of the Great Britain transformation. Thatcherism is based on strong beliefs and political will to implement them into life. Internalization and loyalty to ideas such as free market, individualism, freedom and self-responsibility resulted in Thatcherism and respectful political longevity. Every politics is determined by values advocated by political leaders and success greatly depends on how much leaders are truly devoted to values they advocate. Revolutionary changes, Thatcher conducted, made her one of the greatest but also controversial political personalities of the 20th century.

Slovenia & Croatia differ greatly concerning the political position of their trade unions & their clout in political decision-making. The Slovenian way & pattern is inclusive & the Croatian conflictual. The difference -- despite the common historical legacy of Yugoslav self-management -- can be explained by the political interventions of the governments & the elites that played the dominant role in the early, formative, years of the transition. The pattern entrenched in that period persists, even when some radical reform is attempted & a new path chosen. Such a reversal was attempted after 2000 both in Slovenia & Croatia, but both attempts failed. References. Adapted from the source document.

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...

The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative will open new trade routes between China and the European Union (EU) and increase competition pressures on smaller EU member states. This article ranks where states like Estonia stand internationally in terms of innovativeness (and consequent competitiveness) by conducting an econometric study of patent development, education policy and research and development (R&D) expenditure policy. The authors claim that small member states such as Estonia should follow the example of countries such as Germany and adopt policies which focus more on increased public spending on R&D and innovation in public universities of science and technology, and raise support for high tech startups with a strong focus on international patenting. Member States must go further and subsidise R&D activities by focusing, inter alia, on filing of foreign patents such as triadic patents. ; The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative will open new trade routes between China and the European Union (EU) and increase competition pressures on smaller EU member states. This article ranks where states like Estonia stand internationally in terms of innovativeness (and consequent competitiveness) by conducting an econometric study of patent development, education policy and research and development (R&D) expenditure policy. The authors claim that small member states such as Estonia should follow the example of countries such as Germany and adopt policies which focus more on increased public spending on R&D and innovation in public universities of science and technology, and raise support for high tech startups with a strong focus on international patenting. Member States must go further and subsidise R&D activities by focusing, inter alia, on filing of foreign patents such as triadic patents.

The Social Democratic Party of Croatia & Slavonia was founded in 1894, a spin-off of similar political developments in other parts of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Due to the economic & social backwardness of Croatia, industrial workers were rather few in number, & trade unions were banned. The party was mostly made up of craftsmen; there were no intellectuals who would be proponents of socialist theory & programs. That is why its efforts were directed toward the hands-on protection of workers' interests. Another aspect of its mainstream political activities was their opposition to both Croatian & Serbian nationalism & chauvinism & their advocacy of Croatian independence. Due to their unwavering support for human rights & democratic political freedoms, Croatian social democrats were often subject to state repression. The author draws parallels with today's political situation as well as conclusions about the agenda of the leftist parties in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is the assumption that the public is essentially political & also indispensable for democratic polity. After a brief analysis of the notions related to the concept of the public in different traditions, the author offers three essential elements for its formation: the liberal freedoms as a prerequisite of public life, the unseverable link between the public & democracy, & the legitimation & the control of power by means of the public. The public has a decisive role in all the functions of the state by ensuring three things: the legislature aspires to the public good, the public controls the parliament & government, & the court decisions are overt. In contemporary society the public sphere is safeguarded by parties, associations, trade unions, electronic media & the press in the sense that they prevent the parties in power to lead arcane politics. In the end, the author champions the idea of a proper distinction between the private & the public sphere, since the total public would mean the death of freedom-loving democracy. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

Europska unija se politizaciji svoje plinske trgovine s Ruskom Federacijom u 21. stoljeću prilagođava hibridnim modelom, koji je mješavina različitih mjera. Kako bi spriječila ili barem ublažila rusko korištenje te trgovine u realističkoj politici moći, odgovara mjerama koje se sve više udaljuju od ekonomske, osobito slobodnotržišne, i približavaju političkoj perspektivi, jer je unošenje političkog elementa u vanjskotrgovinski odnos tražilo netržišne odgovore. Na temelju analize odgovora Europske unije na prijetnju čije je ishodište u ruskoj politizaciji plinske trgovine moguće je pratiti postupnu transformaciju liberalno- ekonomskog identiteta Europske unije u sve više geopolitički u svijetu koji postaje sve realističniji kako u energetskim pitanjima konkretno tako i u međunarodnim poslovima općenito. Europska unija je u svoju energetsku politiku uvrstila koncepte solidarnosti i suvereniteta, a visoki predstavnik za zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku Europske unije traži od nje da "ponovno nauči jezik moći". ; In the 21st century the European Union is adapting to the politicization of its gas trade with the Russian Federation with a hybrid model: a mixture of different measures. In order to prevent, or at least to mitigate, Russian use of gas trade in a realistic power politics, the EU is responding with measures which are digressing from the economic perspective, especially free-market one, and getting closer to the political perspective. Non-market responses have become unavoidable primarily due to bringing the political element into a foreign trade relationship. Based on the analysis of the EU's responses to the threat, which has originated from the Russian politicization of gas trade, it is possible to follow the incremental transformation of the EU liberal-economic identity into an increasingly geopolitical one in a world that is becoming increasingly realistic, both in the energy field and in international affairs in general. The European Union has included concepts of solidarity and sovereignty in its energy policy, yet according to the EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the EU has to "learn to use the language of power again".

Glavni cilj ovog istraživanja je analizirati trgovinske tijekove roba i usluga Slovenije s ostatkom svijeta od pridruživanja Europskoj uniji (EU) u svibnju 2004. godine. Empirijsko istraživanje provedeno je primjenom Grangerovog testa uzročnosti i Vektorskog modela korekcije pogrešaka (VECM) koristeći tromjesečne podatke od 2005. do 2017. godine. Primijenjeni Hansen i Seo (2002) test potvrdio je pretpostavku linearnosti između promatranih varijabli i prikladnost empirijskog pristupa u radu. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na dominaciju uvoza nad izvozom u trgovinskom obrascu slovenskog gospodarstva i pozitivnu trgovinsku bilancu s ostatkom svijeta od vremena njenog pristupanja Europskoj uniji. ; The main aim of this research is to examine Slovenian trade flows in goods and services with the rest of the world since joining the European Union (EU) in May 2004. We applied Granger causality test and Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) on quarterly data from the first quarter of 2005 up to the first quarter of 2017. Applied Hansen and Seo (2002) test confirmed the assumption of linearity in the relationship between the variables under consideration and therefore the appropriateness of the empirical approach for the purpose of this paper. The research results indicate importing to exporting as a dominant trade pattern in the Slovenian economy and successful trade balance with the rest of the world since Slovenia joined the EU.

In all the systems aspiring towards free trade it is of essence to reconcile this interest with the protection of other values; also, the member stets agree to certain restrictions of their regulatory autonomy for the system on the whole to strike an optimal balance among the relevant interests. In relatively heterogeneous systems such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the members hold on to a significant portion of their regulatory autonomy in order to protect their values though this hampers the liberalization of trade. In relatively homogeneous systems, however, such as the European Union (EU), the members find it opportune to agree to tighter restrictions of their regulatory autonomy since thus they allow for increased trade without severely harming the other values. For Croatia it is good that the liberalization of trade & the restriction of regulatory autonomy have been gradual, occurring in four stages: the WTO membership, the Stabilization & Accession Agreement, negotiations on the EU membership & eventually the full EU membership. References. Adapted from the source document.