Suchergebnisse

MOSOE Konjunkturzenit überschritten Die jüngsten Statistiken deuten auf ein weiterhin robustes BIP-Wachstum in den meisten Ländern Mittel‑, Ost- und Südosteuropas (MOSOEL) hin. Der konjunkturelle Höhepunkt scheint allerdings bereits überschritten zu sein. Einerseits lässt die Dynamik der privaten Konsumnachfrage leicht nach, andererseits dämpft die Konjunkturabkühlung im Euro-Raum die Exportentwicklung vieler MOSOEL. Die Investitionen steigen weiterhin kräftig an, getrieben in erster Linie von EU-Transfers in der EU-MOE-Region und von ausländischen Direktinvestitionen im Westbalkan. Ein deutlicher Wachstumseinbruch ist heuer nur in Rumänien und der Türkei zu erwarten – Ländern, deren Wirtschaft sich bislang in einem Zustand der "Überhitzung" befand. Vor dem Hintergrund der österreichischen EU-Ratspräsidentschaft und divergierender Handelspolitiken der weltgrößten Volkswirtschaften werden auch die immer engeren wirtschaftlichen Verflechtungen Österreichs mit den MOSOEL analysiert. Insbesondere die Visegrád-Staaten gewinnen für den österreichischen Güterhandel, Tourismus und auch als Investitionsstandorte an Gewicht. Österreich präsentiert sich als Top-10-Exportdestination für sieben der MOSOEL, für acht zählt es zu den zehn wichtigsten Ländern für Importe, und für siebzehn Länder rangiert Österreich unter den Top-10-Investoren. Ausgewählte Indikatoren zu den österreichischen Wirtschaftsbeziehungen mit den MOSOEL können kostenlos über interaktive Visualisierungen erkundet werden. ; The latest statistics point to ongoing robust GDP growth in most countries of Central, East and Southeast Europe (CESEE). However, the growth peak seems to have already been passed. On the one hand, private consumer demand is weakening slightly; on the other hand, the economic slowdown in the eurozone is dampening the export performance of many CESEE countries. Investment continues to grow strongly, driven primarily by EU transfers in the EU-CEE and by foreign direct investment in the Western Balkans. A significant slump in growth this year can only be expected in Romania and Turkey, countries whose economies have been 'overheating'. In the context of the Austrian Presidency of the Council of the European Union and diverging trade policies of the two largest economies in the world, we analyse the deepening economic relations between Austria and the CESEE countries. The Visegrád states in particular are gaining weight for Austrian trade in goods, tourism and as FDI destinations. From the perspective of CESEE, Austria represents a top 10 export destination for seven countries, a top 10 source country for imports for eight countries and a top 10 investor for even seventeen countries in the region. Explore a selection of indicators on Austria's economic ties with CESEE free of charge with our interactive data visualisations.

Brexit has directly impacted Spain's relationship with the UK due to the Gibraltar issue. The British withdrawal from the EU has forced the redefinition of the European statute of Gibraltar, and its relations with Spain and the European Union, in institutional, legal and economic terms. In this context, novel mechanisms have also been devised to regulate cross-border cooperation with Gibraltar, which is frequently the subject of political ups and downs and changes with the different Spanish and British governments.The cross-border cooperation of the territory of Gibraltar with the Campo de Gibraltar, Andalusia and Spain has had intermittent phases in its evolution over time. Within the British exit process framework, a new model has been agreed in successive EU-UK agreements that combine Hard Law (Primary EU Law) with Soft Law (Memoranda of Understanding – MOUs). This regulation has required a specific prior British-Spanish negotiation.The first Withdrawal Treaty of 2019 has formed a peculiar cross-border cooperation system involving the UK, the EU, Gibraltar and Spain, through a series of MOUs interconnected with the Protocol on Gibraltar. The Protocol refers to the Tax Treaty and establishes concrete cooperation on citizens' rights and cross-border workers; tobacco and other products; cooperation in environmental matters; and police and customs cooperation.For its part, the Future Relationship Trade Agreement does not deal with the status of Gibraltar, as it has been preferred to devote a separate UK-EU Treaty to Gibraltar's status with the EU, a Treaty that has yet to be negotiated and concluded. To this end, a prior Spanish-British 'Principle of Agreement' was agreed on 31.12.2020, then embodied in the Council Decision of 05.10.2021 authorising the opening of negotiations with the negotiating mandate and directives for the negotiation of the future EU-UK Treaty in respect of Gibraltar. This Treaty, currently under negotiation, foresees a complete and renewed legal status for Gibraltar in its relationship with the EU and Spain, with reinforced and guaranteed cross-border cooperation with the Campo de Gibraltar and Andalusia.In short, the Brexit process seems to provide an innovative and imaginative model for cross-border cooperation with Gibraltar, bilaterally articulated by Spain and the UK and incorporated into the EU's institutional and legal framework. ; GIBRALTAR DESPUÉS DEL BREXIT. BUSCANDO UN MODELO DE COOPERACIÓN TRANSFRONTERIZA NUEVO E IMAGINATIVO EN EL MARCO DE LA UEEl Brexit ha impactado directamente en la relación de España con el Reino Unido (RU) por la cuestión de Gibraltar. La salida británica ha obligado a redefinir el estatuto europeo de Gibraltar, y sus relaciones con España y la Unión Europea (UE), en términos institucionales, jurídicos y económicos. En este contexto, también se ha ideado unos mecanismos novedosos para regular y encauzar el tratamiento de la cooperación transfronteriza con Gibraltar, frecuente objeto de vaivenes políticos y cambios con los diferentes Gobiernos españoles y británicos.La cooperación transfronteriza del territorio de Gibraltar con el Campo de Gibraltar, Andalucía y España ha tenido variadas e intermitentes fases en su planteamiento y evolución en el tiempo. En el marco del proceso de salida del RU de la UE se ha acordado un nuevo modelo en los sucesivos Tratados y acuerdos UE-RU que combinan Hard Law de Derecho originario con Soft Law de Memorandos de Entendimiento (Memorandum of Understanding - MOU). Esta regulación ha requerido de una negociación específica previa británico-española. El primer Tratado de Retirada de 2019 ha conformado un auténtico sistema de cooperación transfronteriza que involucra al RU, la UE, Gibraltar y España, mediante una serie de Memorandos interconectados con un Protocolo sobre Gibraltar, que reenvían al Tratado fiscal y establecen una cooperación concreta sobre derechos de los ciudadanos y trabajadores fronterizos; tabaco y otros productos; cooperación en materia medioambiental; y cooperación policial y aduanera.Por su parte, el Acuerdo comercial de relación futura no trata el estatuto de Gibraltar, pues se ha preferido dedicar un Tratado separado RU-UE al estatuto de Gibraltar con la UE, Tratado que debe aún negociarse y celebrarse. Para ello, fue acordado el 31.12.2020 un 'Principio de acuerdo' previo hispano-británico, luego plasmado en la Decisión del Consejo de 05.10.2021 autorizando la apertura de negociaciones con el mandato negociador y las directrices para la negociación UE-RU del futuro Tratado de Gibraltar. Este Tratado, en fase de negociación, prevé un completo y renovado estatuto jurídico para Gibraltar en su relación con la UE y España, con una cooperación transfronteriza reforzada y garantizada con el Campo de Gibraltar y Andalucía.En definitiva, el proceso del Brexit parece aportar un nuevo modelo, innovador e imaginativo, para la cooperación trasfronteriza con Gibraltar, articulado bilateralmente por España y Reino Unido e incorporado al marco institucional y jurídico de la UE.

This open access book explores the new complexities and ambiguities that epitomize EU-Turkey relations. With a strong focus on the developments in the last decade, the book provides full access to a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted relationship through three entry points: (1) Theories and Concepts, (2) Institutions, and (3) Policies. Part I brings together complementary and competing analytical approaches to study the evolution of EU-Turkey relations, ranging from traditional integration theories to novel concepts. Part II investigates the institutional machinery of EU-Turkey relations by analyzing the roles and perspectives of the European Council, the European Commission, and the European Parliament. Part III offers analyses of the policies most relevant for the relationship: enlargement policy, trade and macroeconomic policies, foreign and security policy, migration and asylum policies, and energy policy. In Part IV, the volume closes with a systematic survey of the conditions under which cooperative trends in EU-Turkey relations could be (re)invigorated. The systematic setup and the balanced combination of distinguished experts from EU- and Turkey-based institutions make this book a fundamental reading for students, researchers, lecturers, and practitioners of EU-Turkey relations, European integration and Turkish foreign policy.

"China's New Silk Road initiative constitutes one of the most ambitious projects in recent decades designed to change the pattern of the global economic division of labour as well as the geostrategic balance of power. It has the potential to create a new fabric of industrial value creation that links China and East Asia via Central and South Asia with Europe, and to forge new regional and multilateral institutions that complement or compete with existing regional and global governance systems. First proposed in 2013, the new initiative is only now starting to be rolled-out, with trade relations gradually intensifying, and the first investment projects and infrastructure clusters becoming manifest. However, the full impact of the evolving new regional value chains on global goods flows, investment activity, supra-national institution building, as well as their wider international implications, remains undetermined. This book brings together leading scholars from economics, political science and area studies, who present the latest cutting-edge knowledge and the latest state-of-the-art economic and political analysis on how the new initiative is developing and likely to develop"--

Die Wirtschaftsleistung im Euroraum hat zuletzt erstmals wieder ihr Vor-Corona-Niveau erreicht. Die konsumbezogene Mobilität war ungeachtet der hohen Infektionszahlen seit Jahresbeginn nur wenig beeinträchtigt, und Frühindikatoren zur Zuversicht von Unternehmen und Verbrauchern zeigten bis zum Februar eine gute Stimmung an. Somit waren im Jahresverlauf eigentlich kräftige Zuwächse der wirtschaftlichen Aktivität und eine vollständige Erholung von den Belastungen der Corona-Pandemie angelegt. Vor allem im ersten Halbjahr 2022 behindern die Auswirkungen des Krieges in der Ukraine jedoch die Konjunktur. Die Wirtschaftstätigkeit wird insbesondere über den Kanal hoher Energiepreise gedämpft, wodurch heimische Kaufkraft abgezogen wird. Wenngleich Russland und die Ukraine als Absatzmärkte vielerorts nur von nachgeordneter Bedeutung sind, dürfte die wirtschaftliche Aktivität auch durch gestörte Lieferketten, weniger Handelstätigkeit und die stark gestiegene Unsicherheit beeinträchtigt werden. Für das zweite Halbjahr und das kommende Jahr erwarten wir wieder eine kräftigere Konjunktur. Insgesamt dürfte das Bruttoinlandsprodukt im Jahr 2022 um 2,8 Prozent zulegen, gefolgt von 3,1 Prozent (2023). Die Verbraucherpreise steigen im laufenden Jahr mit voraussichtlich 5,5 Prozent so stark wie nie zuvor seit Bestehen der Währungsunion. Im Folgejahr dürfte die Teuerung mit 3,1 Prozent erneut klar oberhalb des Inflationsziels liegen. ; Economic output in the euro area has recently returned to its pre-pandemic level. The surge in infections since early 2022 had only little overall effect on mobility, and leading indicators like business and consumer sentiment signaled high confidence up to February. Thus, strong growth and a complete post-pandemic recovery were expected in the course of the year. However, the effects of the war in Ukraine are hampering the economy, especially in the first half of 2022. Economic activity is dampened particularly via the channel of high energy prices, by which domestic purchasing power is drained. Economic activity is also likely to be adversely affected by disruptions in supply chains, reduced trade activity and a sharp increase in uncertainty. For the second half of the year and beyond, we expect a stronger economy again. Overall, GDP is expected to increase by 2.8 percent in 2022 and 3.1 percent in 2023. Consumer prices are expected to rise by 5.2 percent in the current year, more than at any time since the monetary union came into existence. For 2023, inflation is expected at 2.8 percent, once again above target.

The book discusses recent innovation and diversification paths in agri-food, specifically the linkages among food research and innovation, production, consumption, gastronomy, and place branding as well as technology. It also focuses on EU policies and instruments in support of R & I activities in agri-food, and explores agri-food domains within the context of smart specialisation. Katerina Ciampi Stancova is Scientific Officer at the European Commission, DG JRC in Sevilla, Spain. Her research agenda revolves around cross-sectoral topics such as R & I, smart specialisation, innovation in agri-food, collaboration in quadruple helix, mutual learning, transnational and transregional cooperation, as well as social innovation. Alessio Cavicchi is Associate Professor in Agribusiness at University of Macerata, Italy. His main fields of interest and research are consumer food choice, economics of food quality and safety, and innovation and sustainability in agribusiness and tourism. He has served as an agri-food expert for several DGs of the European Commission, and he is the coordinator of two EU Erasmus+ funded projects: "The Wine Lab" and "FoodBiz."

Labor Conflict and Capitalist Hegemony in Argentina delves into the dynamics of labor conflict during a decisive moment in the history of Neoliberalism and its crisis. How did workers react to labor flexibilization, market reforms and massive layoffs? In what way were employers able to keep hold of industrial hegemony during the crisis of Neoliberalism? This book explores these questions from a Marxian approach on peripheral capitalist countries with the aim of contributing to a new conceptualization of labor relations, labor history and collective class action. The analysis focuses on the automotive industry in Argentina between 1990 and 2007 although framed in broader temporal dynamics. Labor conflict and capitalist hegemony in Argentina relata la dinámica del conflicto laboral en el período crucial de la historia del neoliberalismo y su crisis. ¿Cómo reaccionaron los trabajadores frente a la flexibilización laboral, las reformas de mercado y los despidos masivos? ¿De qué modo los empresarios mantuvieron la hegemonía industrial en la crisis del neoliberalismo? El libro formula las preguntas a partir de una aplicación del análisis marxiano para los países periféricos capitalistas. Sobre esta base se propone una conceptualización novedosa de las relaciones laborales, la historia sindical y la acción colectiva de clase. El análisis está enfocado en la industria automotriz argentina entre 1990 y 2007 aunque enmarcado en dinámicas temporales más amplias.

Die Autorin, eine Journalistin aus Minsk, erörtert die Motivation und die wirtschaftlichen Implikationen, die mit der Währungsunion zwischen Belarus und der Russischen Föderation verbunden sind. Einen der wichtigsten Gründe für die Integration beider Staaten sieht sie darin, daß Belarus sich den Zugang zu russischen Rohstoffen zu niedrigen Preisen sichern und die Einführung notwendiger makroökonomischer Reformen aufschieben möchte. Sie ist der Auffassung, daß der Weg zu einer tatsächlichen Währungsvereinigung gerade einmal zur Hälfte zurückgelegt ist. Effizienz der Volkswirtschaft und Einbindung in den Welthandel, die weit mehr zur Stabilität der Währung und zur wirtschaftlichen Erholung des Landes beitragen würden, werden durch die Integrationsbemühungen jedoch nicht gefördert. Gleichzeitig ist der Einigungsprozeß durch eine asymmetrische Erwartungshaltung der Länder, Divergenzen der makroökonomischen Parameter und zwei schwache Währungen gekennzeichnet. Damit verspricht die Währungsunion für Belarus keine wirtschaftlichen Impulse. (BIOst-Dok)