La economia de Tlapanala
In: Migraciones internacionales, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 93-120
ISSN: 1665-8906
In: Migraciones internacionales, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 93-120
ISSN: 1665-8906
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 33, Heft Special Issue, S. 47-69
ISSN: 1469-9044
In this article I argue that the very meaning of 'inter-national relations' is emerging as a focus of debate in International Relations, particularly among the critical traditions in the discipline. No longer seen as a mere study of peace and war, IR is viewed as a component of general pan-disciplinary theories or order and change. The international sphere is perceived, accordingly, no longer as a system in its own right, but rather as a gigantic transmission belt, and a huge communication device transmitting and diffusing ideas, practices, rules, norms and institutions throughout the world. The article examines the implications of such an approach on IR theory. In addition, the article revisits the works of Hegel, Marx and the French School of Regulation to demonstrate how they developed an empirical theory of international diffusion. Adapted from the source document.
In: Osteuropa, Band 57, Heft 5
ISSN: 0030-6428
The trans-European identity of bilingual authors such as Milan Kundera and Andrei Makine forces us to reconsider the conventional categories of "East" and "West" or "foreign" and "native". Both authors have exchanged their homeland for exile; both write novels and essays in French. Their belonging to the European tradition combines with a distanced, "eastern" view of French culture, society and media. Kundera resists being classified as a Czech patriot and author. Instead, by means of inter-textual references, he stresses the transnational element of his work. Makine presents himself as writer and prophet in the tradition of Tolstoi and Dostoevskii and exposes cultural and historical myths. Adapted from the source document.
In: Prokla: Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 547-560
ISSN: 0342-8176
After the ousting of Palestinians from an ethnically segmented labor market, Israel has recruited large numbers of non-Jewish labor migrants to fill the country's low wage sector. As elsewhere, restrictive migration policies could not hinder migrants from staying on, organizing, & collectively struggle for their rights. Within the urban space of Israel's most cosmopolitan center, the so-called 'White City' of Tel Aviv, they have appropriated a space with a long history of social, economic, & cultural exclusion from Israeli mainstream society, the southern 'Black City.' In 2002, Israel adopted a deportation campaign of migrants who had become 'illegals.' As subsequently tens of thousands of Tel Aviv's residents were forced to leave the country within a short period of time, Israel, & in particular migrants' main residential area in southern Tel Aviv, became an increasingly unhomely space. In the wake of this change, migrants' everyday lives in Israel were 'transnationalised,' & orientations shifted towards the 'greener pastures' of Western Europe & Northern America. Within this process, Tel Aviv became one of the Mediterranean's 'border cities,' a transnational gateway, which the notion of 'global city' cannot fully grasp. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Environmental politics, Band 15, Heft 5, S. 787-802
ISSN: 1743-8934
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 32, Heft 6, S. 923-946
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Social justice: a journal of crime, conflict and world order, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 147-161
ISSN: 1043-1578, 0094-7571
In: Globalizations, Band 3, Heft 3, S. 333-348
ISSN: 1474-774X
In: Nanjing Shi Da Xue Bao (She Hui Ke Xue Ban)/Journal of Nanjing Normal University, Heft 3
In: The International Journal of Inclusive Democracy, Band 2, Heft 4
In: The International Journal of Inclusive Democracy, Band 2, Heft 4
In: Nanjing Shi Da Xue Bao (She Hui Ke Xue Ban)/Journal of Nanjing Normal University, Heft 3, S. 56
This paper explores the ways in which government policy and public discourse have operated to enhance and maintain the liminal status of Somali women refugees in Canada, and the ways in which Somali Canadian women have resisted these efforts in order to create meaning and a place for themselves and their families in North America. The policies and practices that obliged many Somali women to wait three to five years to apply for permanent residency status, Eurocentric definitions of the family that constrain family unification strategies, and economic marginalization due to lack of recognition of foreign credentials have had cumulative adverse effects on the health and well-being of Somali women in Canada. ; L'article se penche, d'une part, sur la manière dont les politiques gouvernementales et le discours public ont contribué à rehausser et à maintenir le statut liminaire des réfugiées somaliennes au Canada et, d'autre part, sur la façon dont les Canadiennes d'origine somalienne s'y sont opposées afin de créer un sens et une place pour elles et leur famille en Amérique du Nord. Plusieurs facteurs ont eu des effets néfastes sur la santé et le bien-être des Somaliennes au Canada : les politiques et les pratiques qui les obligent à attendre de trois à cinq ans pour demander un statut de résidence permanente, les définitions eurocentriques de la famille qui restreignent les stratégies d'unification familiale de même que la marginalisation économique découlant du peu de reconnaissance de la certification étrangère.
BASE
In: Immigrants & minorities, Band 23, Heft 2-3, S. 311-337
ISSN: 1744-0521
In: Peripherie: Politik, Ökonomie, Kultur, Band 25, Heft 97-98, S. 65-87
ISSN: 0173-184X
This article deals with a recent phenomenon: over the last decades a new global labor market for female migrants has been established. Women from Asia, Africa & Eastern Europe come to work in the households of affluent countries, among them German ones. Domestic work is not only a site of the feminization of migration, but also a part of the reconstruction of social inequalities on a global scale. Starting by discussing the factors promoting the feminization of migration in connection with the demand for domestic workers in German households, the article then describes the character of the work area & the differences between domestic work & other work sectors. After discussing the state of double illegality which forces many domestic workers to live a life in the twilight zone, the concept of transnational migration is connected to the transnational biographies of these workers. The main argument of the article is that domestic work can be understood as a paradigm for the new structure of relations of dependency in global perspective & on a global scale. 63 References. Adapted from the source document.