Suchergebnisse

Sammelband mit ausgewählten Beispielen zu sprachwissenschaftlichen und sprachpolitischen Problemen des Landes

This thesis relates to the problems of secularity and religion to Tunisia. The stake is to study these two concepts in a new ground : Tunisia. This study rises from independence until the revolution.In the first left, the thesis concentrates on the genesis of the concept of secularity, its originality and the specificity of the Tunisian policy. This part constitutes first cross between the political power and religious.In the second part, the thesis concentrates on the Tunisian society. It focuses hard tearing between the adhesion of the movement reformist forced by Bourguiba and the Islamism represented by the movement of the Islamic Tendency. This part will be an opportunity to explore new social space. A new social architecture will be drawn, between female warping and the blooming of the religiosity.In the last part, we are accentuated on the excitement of the contemporary Tunisian thought in front of the choice between appropriation and adaptation to the secularism. The initial question in this part is doubly ambiguous. how does the Islamic company lay out the questions which disturbs it? Religious freedom, apostasy, wine, testimony : concepts subjected to endless debates. How can we interpret the delay of the Muslim company? The studies of Charfi and Talbi give us some tracks of thought. A new feminine generation will be present in Tunisia. It will be time to discover how the female thought occupies it the cultural scene in Tunisia. This thesis tries to answer if secularity is the cause of the crisis of the Tunisian society or the solution. ; Cette thèse porte sur la problématique de la laïcité et religion en Tunisie. L'enjeu est d'étudier ces deux notions dans un terrain nouveau : la Tunisie. Cette étude découle de l'indépendance jusqu'à la révolution. Dans le première partie, la thèse se concentre sur la genèse du concept de la laïcité, son originalité et la spécificité de la politique tunisienne. Cette partie constitue une première croisée entre le pouvoir politique et religieux. Dans la deuxième ...

Written on the basis of CARIM database and publications ; Ecrit à partir de la base de données du CARIM et de ses publications ; Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; CARIM is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union ; CARIM est co-financé par l'Institut Universitaire Européen et l'Union Européenne

Message by Irina Bokova, Director-General of UNESCO and Kuni Sato, Ambassador, Permanent Delegate of Japan to UNESCO ; Incl. bibl.

In classic — so called democratic — elections the governors are normally bound by the outcome of the electoral consultation. Their replacement by opposition leaders is conceivable, at least in principle. That is not the case for elections falling within a composite category of elections which can be described as 'semi-competitive'. This does not mean, despite the absence of key issues, that this type of electoral consultation has no interest. In this respect, the various presidential and legislative elections that have taken place in Tunisia since November 1987 make it possible to seize the mechanisms for structuring and restructuring the Tunisian opposition in the context of controlled pluralism. Looking at the history of the country, it can be understood that the elections have never been a challenge to power, nor even helped to change its direction. Opposition leaders who embarked on this path had to defeat very quickly, with calls denouncing manipulation and electoral fraud remaining a dead letter. While the 'pluralistic' elections never involved the two heads of state who have hitherto chaired the destiny of the Tunisian Republic, they nevertheless have various meanings, which vary according to the contexts and objectives assigned to them by political power. They can be used to assess the power ratios and conclusions to be drawn from them (April 1989). They provide an opportunity to punish opponents who have violated the "code of good conduct" set by the power and to grant both material and symbolic rewards to those who have remained within the framework defined by it (October 1999). Electoral deadlines also serve to show abroad that the regime is on the path to deepening pluralism and democratisation. They are then a response to those who, in Europe or elsewhere, accuse the power of violating human rights. Moreover, at a time when the Maghreb political environment opens up to a multi-party parliamentary system, the Tunisian authorities must not stay behind (October 1999). It is in the light of these ...