Women and Democracy Under Threat in Tunisia
Blog: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace - sada
Tunisia has witnessed a disturbing rise in online misogyny and disinformation since President Kais Saied's July 2021 coup.
Blog: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace - sada
Tunisia has witnessed a disturbing rise in online misogyny and disinformation since President Kais Saied's July 2021 coup.
The article discusses the role of people as a collective actor in the Jasmine Revolution, which occurred in Tunisia at the beginning of 2011. The Tunisian revolution, that had aris-en from collective national sense of dignity and justice, was marked by its spontaneous character. It is shown, that this revolution was related neither to parties nor movements, preparing politically revolutionary renewing of the society. The revolution was guided neither by leaders nor authoritative persons. The program of country transformation also lacked. Taking into account positions of Tunisian scholars, the content of notion "people" and its changeable character, as well as its liberating function, manifesting during political reforms is revealed. Peculiarities of political transit during first months of its post-revolutionary development are analyzed. ; В статье исследуется роль народа как национального коллективного политического актора в «жасминовой» революции, свершившейся в Тунисе в начале 2011 г. Тунисская революция, рожденная из коллективного народного чувства достоинства и справедливости, отмечена своим стихийным характером. Показано, что данная революция не была связана ни с партиями и/или движениями, готовившими политически революционное обновление общества. В революции не было и политических лидеров или авторитетов. Не было и программы преобразований страны. Раскрывается, с учетом позиции ученых Туниса, содержание понятия «народ», его изменчивый характер, а также его освободительная функция по мере продвижения в жизнь политических преобразований. Раскрыты особенности политического перехода страны в первые месяцы ее послереволюционного развития.
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In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Band 22, Heft 2, S. 119-126
ISSN: 2312-8704
The article is devoted to history of the first contacts between the Russian Empire and Regency of Tunisia at the end of the 18th century. The research is based on works of the Russian, Tunisian and French historians. In Russia it was Catherine the Great's era, the empress who considerably moved apart borders of the country, expanded the international contacts of Russia, laid the foundation for development of the Russian trade including Mediterranean trade relations. The Tunisian governor Hamuda Pasha also sought for development of international relations and the statement of the authority of the country. Although between Russia and Tunisia at this early stage had not yet been an official contractual relationship, but through the activities of freelance Consulate between the countries established trade, began political and cultural contacts. A special role in the development of Russian-Tunisian relations belongs to the family of the Dutch consuls Nyssens, which became a freelance Russian consuls in Tunis. The article analyzes the causes of weakness of trade relations between Russia and Tunisia, the slow development of political contacts. Special attention is paid to the problem of Mediterranean piracy, in which the main role played the corsairs of Tunis and Algeria. The distance of countries from each other, the difference of scale, cultures and political aspirations did not prevent them to do in the end of the 18th century the first steps towards each other, to establish friendly relations.
The article studies the establishment of Russian diplomatic missions in the Maghreb (Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia) in late 18th - 19th century. Studying the outset of the Russian-Arab relations is a significant task for both science and diplomacy. Although there are several works dating from the Soviet era, the issue remains little-studied. The article draws on the documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, some already published, others introduced into scientific use for the first time. Analysis of archival sources allows to consider the problem of first contacts of the Russian Empire and the Maghreb states in its entirety, to identify Russian interests in each of three countries, to define important internal and external factors that prompted the countries to establish relations. The author has revealed that at the first stage of the Russian-Maghreb relations its economic component had a priority: foreign representatives in the Maghreb were enlisted as non-staff Russian consuls in order to protect the interests of seamen-merchants trading in the Mediterranean under the Russian flag. At the second stage priority was given to the political component in the Russian-Maghreb relations. The great power directly involved in the settlement of the Eastern Question, the Russian Empire had to consider Algerian, Tunisian and Moroccan factors in setting its European agenda. The Russian government saw the Barbary states of Algeria and Tunisia as formally belonging to the Ottoman Empire. Russian political interest in these countries strengthened as the European powers, primarily, France and Great Britain, were fighting to establish their influence, and Turkey strived to preserve its sovereignty. Although it remained independent throughout the 19th century, Morocco also was an object of the European powers' rivalry. Russian diplomatic missions in Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco were established with an eye toward keeping track of all twists and turns of the European powers fighting over the North African colonies and in order use this factor in setting its own agenda.
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In the work the reasons of formation of the Russian position in relation to the French colonial conquests in North' Africa in XIX the beginning of the 20th centuries are investigated. Consecutive consideration of sources, the course and consequences of the French penetration into Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco allows to define value of this region in the European policy during the specified period. The Russian political interest in the countries of the Maghreb has been connected with fierce fight of the European powers, first of all France, Great Britain and Germany for strengthening of the influence, and also Turkey for preservation of domination over Barbarian provinces. Russia, without having any claims to the Maghreb, nevertheless, has been forced to correct the policy taking into account a colonial factor which had notable consequences for all system of the international relations. The fundamental moment in definition of the Russian political pOsitions on colonial conquests of France in the Maghreb was the all-European factor, fight of powers within the Eastern Question. Besides the analysis of an official position of the government of the Russian Empire on the matter, in article reaction of the Russian public opinion to events in the Maghreb is considered. Work is based on archival sources documents of the Archive of foreign policy of the Russian Empire and publications of the Russian press of the 19th century.
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Современные региональные сдвиги, перспективы и проблемы развития туризма ; Туризм является динамично развивающейся отраслью во всех странах региона, однако темпы этого развития существенно дифференцированы. Марокко, Тунис и Египет привлекают наибольшее число туристов и, как следствие, получают наибольшие доходы. Это связано с тем, что правительство данных государств ведёт активную политику развития туризма = Tourism is a fast growing sector in all countries of the region, but the pace of development significantly differentiated. Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt attracted the largest number of tourists and, as a result, receive the highest incomes. This is due to the fact that the government of these states has an active tourism policy
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The article uncovers the content of the notion of "revolution of dignity", that actively showed itself in the Arab world, namely on the example of the specific Tunisian revolution. The notions of "revolution" and "revolutionary politics" in the Muslim world, designed to uphold the Divine law and ensure the subordination of citizens to the authorities, are characterized. The content of the formulas "people want" and "people wish" as phenomena of political subjectivity is revealed. The place and role of Islam in the revolutionary transformations of the country are defined. The concept of "dignity", its role and place in the Tunisian revolution, as well as in the mass protests of today, are characterized. It is found that the popular nature of the protests in Tunisia with the active participation of believers who took the path of democracy and freedoms as a prerequisite for the implementation of everything related to the human dignity of Tunisians in practice in the country's politics. This dignity was reaffirmed and legally enshrined in the Tunisian Constitution of 2014, which ushered in a new era of constitutionalism in the Arab world. ; В статье раскрывается содержание понятия «революция достоинства», заявившей о себе активно в арабском мире, в частности, на примере весьма особенной революции в Тунисе. Дается характеристика понятиям «революция» и «революционная политика» в мусульманском мире, призванным поддерживать Божественный закон и обеспечивать подчиненность граждан страны властям. Раскрывается содержание формул «народ хочет» и «народ желает» как феноменов политической субъективности. Определяется место и роль ислама в революционных преобразованиях страны. Дается характеристика понятия «достоинство», его роли и места в Тунисской революции, а также в массовых протестах современности. Показан всенародный характер протестов в Тунисе при активном участии в них верующих, вставших на путь утверждения демократии и свобод как предпосылки для осуществления в политике страны всего того, что связано с обеспечением на ...
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The author analyses the western states' conflict management techniques, which were applied to steering ("controlled chaos") color revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa. The evidence is provided to demonstrate that the revolutionary events in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain, and other Arab states were not spontaneous and were orchestrated by the external political power. The consequences of the Arab spring revolutions are assessed and the reconfiguration of the Middle Eastern politics is discussed.Key words: color revolution, Arab Spring, conflict management, political modernization, psychological operations, information policy ; В статье представлены результаты анализа практики применения западными государствами современных технологий управления конфликтами («управляемого хаоса») в цветных революциях на Ближнем Востоке и в Северной Африке. Многочисленные признаки и следы применения указанных технологий позволяют утверждать, что революционные события в Тунисе, Египте, Ливии, Сирии, Бахрейне других арабских государствах носили явно не спонтанный характер и были прямым результатом внешнего политического управления. Спустя два года после начала первых цветных революций «Арабской весны» подводятся краткие итоги того, к чему они привели политическую ситуацию в регионе.
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In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Band 21, Heft 2, S. 96-103
ISSN: 2312-8704
The article examines the new realities of Russia's foreign policy after the "Arab Spring" and the potential for increased Russian influence in the Maghreb. One of the consequences of the recent political upheavals in North Africa is the growth of terrorist threat – this factor draws particular attention to this region. The Maghreb is important for the promotion of Russian interests in the Arab world and the African continent. Russia and North Africa are seeking strategic cooperation, and these countries have long-term friendship and mutual interests in the political and economic spheres. Further increase of the interaction will strengthen bilateral relations, will make it easier to survive during the political and economic crisis. The article analyzes the formation, the current state and prospects of Russian-Algerian, Moroccan-Russian and Russian-Tunisian relations. Algeria is one of the leading economic partners of Russia on the African continent. The main areas of bilateral cooperation are the energy and military spheres. The growth of the terrorist threat in the Sahara-Sahel region prompted Russia and Morocco to deepen security cooperation. In the context of EU economic sanctions against Russia a priority in Russian- Tunisian and Russian-Moroccan trade relations is to enhance cooperation in the field of agriculture. Russia is a traditional exporter of Moroccan oranges and Tunisian olive oil. Promising areas of cooperation of Russia and Tunisia are the development of water resources and hydraulic engineering, infrastructure projects in the field of construction of roads, bridges, industrial facilities. Expansion of ties with the North African countries will allow Russia to increase influence in the region.
North Africa has never been at the center of Russian foreign policy. On one side, this sub-region has always been seen as a part of the broader Middle East; at the same time, it is considered to belong to the Mediterranean world. This two-sided position defines the ambiguity of interpretations Moscow's actions towards specific North African nations can get. Nevertheless, in the recent years Russia has started to work more actively in the region, both in economic and (to a lesser extent) in political fields. The following article discusses Russia's relationships with the politically stable nations of North Africa as well as the policy towards Libya, looked into as a separate issue, the analysis of which requires a brief review of post-revolutionary political development inside the country. Comparing specific cases, one can define a variety of traits characterizing Russia's policy in North Africa both on sub-regional and country levels. ; Северная Африка никогда не находилась в центре российской внешней политики. Этот субрегион воспринимался всегда, с одной стороны, как часть расширенного Ближнего Востока, а с другой, как часть средиземноморского мира. Подобная двойственность восприятия определяет неоднозначность возможных интерпретаций действий, предпринимающихся Москвой в отношении отдельных стран региона. При этом в последние годы наблюдается рост российской активности в Северной Африке - как экономической, так и (хотя и в меньшей степени) политической. В статье рассматривается динамика отношений России со стабильными странами региона и отдельно - российская политика в Ливии. Анализ последней требует приведения краткого обзора внутриливийского политического развития в постреволюционный период. Сравнение отдельных кейсов позволяет выделить ряд специфических черт, характеризующих североафриканскую политику России как на субрегиональном, так и на страновом уровнях.
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The article discusses the policy of the European Union (EU) in the Mediterranean region, which has a long history and is shaped by diverse interests. It is based on the Barcelona process built on thoughtful principles of interstate cooperation. Focusing on why the EU has failed to react correctly to the first events of the Arab spring (wave of demonstrations and coups that began in the Arab world on 18 December 2010 in Tunisia), and seeking to evaluate the potential effects of these events such as spreading of popular unrest, riots (which in some cases escalated into civil war and regime change) throughout the entire Mediterranean region, the author examines the Western experts' reinterpretation of Mediterranean policy of the EU under the impact of the events of the Arab spring, as well as their proposals for the development of important conceptual approaches to this region.Key words: Arab Spring, European Union, the policy of the European Union in the Mediterranean. ; В статье рассматривается политика Европейского союза в Средиземноморском регионе, имеющая продолжительную историю и ряд особенностей. В ее основе лежит Барселонский процесс, строящийся на продуманных принципах межгосударственного сотрудничества. Говорится о том, почему ЕС не смог правильно отреагировать на первые события «арабской весны» (волна демонстраций и путчей, начавшихся в арабском мире 18 декабря 2010 г. в Тунисе), оценить их возможные последствия и приостановить распространение народных волнений, массовых беспорядков (которые в ряде случаев переросли в гражданские войны и насильственные смены политических режимов) по всему Средиземноморскому региону. В статье анализируется переосмысление западными экспертами средиземноморской политики ЕС под воздействием событий «арабской весны», а также их предложения по разработке концептуально важных подходов к этому региону.Ключевые слова: «арабская весна», Европейский союз, политика ЕС в Средиземноморском регионе.
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Статья посвящена изучению взаимодействия институтов государственной власти и СМИ в процессе разработки и реализации внешней политики государства. В качестве исследовательской задачи была определена попытка проследить расширение сферы влияние средств массовой информации на мировую политику в историческом аспекте. ; The main content and research of the article is devotedto study the interaction of government institutions and theMass Media in development and realization of foreign policy.The study has an interdisciplinary character and written ina junction of political science and journalism. As a researchproblem has been identified an attempt to trace the expansionof the influence of media on world politics in historicalperspective. The author cites specific cases of manipulationof public consciousness in recent history and in the history ofthe XIX and XX centuries. The paper analyzes the scientificresearch in this area. The author introduced a new conceptthat determines where information and communicationtechnologies in recent history – «space less and timeless era»and gave a new concept of a specific justification.Based on the study attempted to analyze the problems of theprocesses leading to the activation of the major informationactivities in the international arena and the creation of specialcenters to promote national ideology abroad. Identified andjustified the need for such centers in other countries in orderto enhance information security. This trend is also supportedby research into the U.S. role in the organization of networkcommunication in modern society, drawing a parallel withthe specific statements by U.S. officials. Discussed in detailthe effect that make new forms of communication in thedevelopment of all spheres of life, and particularly in politics.Based on the analysis of case studies, the degree of participationof today's social networks in the organization of events of socalled«Arab Spring». The main content of this part of thestudy is the analysis of the events in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya.Allocated and describes the characteristics and capabilitiesof Internet censorship. The article may be of interest to bothjournalists and political scientists, and has a practical valuefor the development strategy for the country's foreign policyin the future. ; Стаття присвячена вивченню взаємодії інститутівдержавної влади і ЗМІ в процесі розробки і реалізаціїзовнішньої політики держави. В якості дослідницькоїзадачі була визначена спроба простежити розширення сфе-ри вплив засобів масової інформації на світову політику вісторичному аспекті.
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Статья посвящена изучению взаимодействия институтов государственной власти и СМИ в процессе разработки и реализации внешней политики государства. В качестве исследовательской задачи была определена попытка проследить расширение сферы влияние средств массовой информации на мировую политику в историческом аспекте. ; Стаття присвячена вивченню взаємодії інститутів державної влади і ЗМІ в процесі розробки і реалізації зовнішньої політики держави. В якості дослідницької задачі була визначена спроба простежити розширення сфери впливу засобів масової інформації на світову політику в історичному аспекті. ; The main content and research of the article is devoted to study the interaction of government institutions and the Mass Media in development and realization of foreign policy. The study has an interdisciplinary character and written in a junction of political science and journalism. As a research problem has been identified an attempt to trace the expansion of the influence of media on world politics in historical perspective. The author cites specific cases of manipulation of public consciousness in recent history and in the history of the XIX and XX centuries. The paper analyzes the scientific research in this area. The author introduced a new concept that determines where information and communication technologies in recent history – «space less and timeless era» and gave a new concept of a specific justification.Based on the study attempted to analyze the problems of the processes leading to the activation of the major information activities in the international arena and the creation of special centers to promote national ideology abroad. Identified and justified the need for such centers in other countries in order to enhance information security. This trend is also supported by research into the U. S. role in the organization of network communication in modern society, drawing a parallel with the specific statements by U. S. officials. Discussed in detail the effect that make new forms of communication in the development of all spheres of life, and particularly in politics. Based on the analysis of case studies, the degree of participation of today's social networks in the organization of events of so-called «Arab Spring. » The main content of this part of the study is the analysis of the events in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. Allocated and describes the characteristics and capabilities of Internet censorship. The article may be of interest to both journalists and political scientists, and has a practical value for the development strategy for the country's foreign policy in the future.
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