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WOS: 000488075600012 ; Bridging Asia and Europe in geography and culture, Turkey assumes a special role and unique position for South East Europe. Since its foundation in 1923, it has developed into the "18th largest economy in the world" (The World Bank, 2015, "Turkey Overview"). According to 2016 data, Turkey has a population of about 79 million with a median age of 31.0 years (Turkish Statistical Institute, 2016), which makes provision of educational services a critical public service for the country's economic and social development and realizing its transition into a knowledge society (Yilmaz,2012). However, a digital divide between Turkey and the European Union as a direct neighbor exists (Yilmaz, 2012). Hence, providing quality education has been one of the top priorities in Turkey in its struggle to accomplish both the transition to knowledge society and its economic goals. Educational provision simultaneously constitutes a central political and societal challenge.

Energy cooperation is one of the significant issues of modern international political economy. Multidimensional nature of energy resources, exactly petroleum and natural gas, allows them to affect the states' both political and economic strategies. Unequal distribution of fossil energy resources in the world and their role for social and economic life of human push states towards energy cooperations. In this context, Turkey-Azerbaijan energy collaboration has a special importance in the relations between two countries. In the first years of independence, Turkey has been one of the countries that has invested in production and export of Azerbaijan's energy resources. While Turkey's participation in Azerbaijan's energy consortiums is continuing, State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Republic -SOCAR is the biggest investor in Turkey. Today energy cooperation between these countries serves the strategic interests of both sides, as well as contributing to Turkey's energy industry sector.

This paper uses an in-depth case study of Turkey to examine the complex and contemporary challenges facing the UNHCR. The work of the UNHCR Turkey Program presents a unique example of the problematic relationship between a nation-state and an international refugee regime. The Turkish government ratified the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees in March 1962, but maintains the geographical limitation restricting its asylum commitment to applicants from European countries. Turkey, one of only two countries among the signatories of the Convention that keeps the geographical limitation, relies mostly on the UNHCR's eligibility assessment of non-European asylum-seekers. Although the focus of the paper is a country-specific example, its goal is to establish a model that can be used in evaluating any UNHCR regional or country program. ; Cet article tente d'examiner les défis complexes contemporains confrontant le HCR par le biais d'une étude en profondeur de la Turquie. Le programme du HCR pour la Turquie est un exemple unique de la relation problématique pouvant exister entre un état-nation et un régime international sur le droit d'asile. Le gouvernement de la Turquie a ratifié en mars 1962 la Convention des Nations Unies de 1951 relative au statut des réfugiés, mais continue à maintenir les restrictions géographiques, limitant ses engagements envers seulement les demandeurs provenant de pays européens. La Turquie est l'un des deux seuls pays parmi les signataires de la convention à maintenir une restriction géographique. Pour ce faire, il s'appuie principalement sur la notion de test d'admissibilité de demandeurs d'asile non-européens. Quoique que l'article porte sur l'exemple d'un pays spécifique, son but ultime est d'établir un modèle pouvant servir à l'évaluation de n'importe quel programme du HCR dévoué à une région ou à un pays.

__Abstract__ A remarkably rich body of literature analyses the political representation of Turkey. The scholarly debate is, still limited to scrutinizing the dominant media discourse on Turkey's potential European Union membership. In Representing Turkey, the research moves beyond the prevailing political media representations by widening the scope and looking at lifestyle representations in three core themes 'travel', 'romance tourism', and 'sports'. Based on a qualitative content analysis of British broadsheet and tabloid newspapers, the research addresses how British print media construct and circulate views about Turkey in lifestyle news texts? How and why Turkey is evaluated as a 'fascinating' travel destination for British tourists? How tabloid journalists make sense of the contradicting social categories and power relations between mature British women and their younger Turkish lovers, with respect to age, gender and economic position? How journalists portray the Turkish national football team, and why the Turkish football fans are portrayed as violent supporters in sports news? Examining the power and politics of Turkey's representation in popular news, the research demonstrates that lifestyle news are not necessarily soft and uncritical by definition; they shed new light on how national identity is projected in such news texts. At a macro-­‐level, the three empirical case studies demonstrate that the British press treatment of Turkey facilitates the promotion of the old understanding of the cultural superiority and dominance of Britain. This reflects that Turkey is commodified in various forms. This also triggers debates on the inequalities and disparities in the global political, economic and cultural context.

Energy cooperation is one of the significant issues of modern international political economy. Multidimensional nature of energy resources, exactly petroleum and natural gas, allows them to affect the states' both political and economic strategies. Unequal distribution of fossil energy resources in the world and their role for social and economic life of human push states towards energy cooperations. In this context, Turkey-Azerbaijan energy collaboration has a special importance in the relations between two countries. In the first years of independence, Turkey has been one of the countries that has invested in production and export of Azerbaijan's energy resources. While Turkey's participation in Azerbaijan's energy consortiums is continuing, State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Republic -SOCAR is the biggest investor in Turkey. Today energy cooperation between these countries serves the strategic interests of both sides, as well as contributing to Turkey's energy industry sector.Key words: Azerbaijan, cooperation, energy, investment, Turkey, SOCAR.

Since 2004, the government of Turkey has undertaken a number of "decentralisation" reforms.A number of laws have been passed that give increased autonomy and resources to regional andlocal authorities and aim to reorganise the division of tasks and the relationships between theseauthorities and the central government. These reforms represent substantial change, since therehad previously been practically no intermediate level between the central government and thecitizens, and the decision-making centres in Ankara constituted serious bottlenecks that wereregularly circumvented.The reform process raises a number of questions. What rationales led to the implementation ofthese reforms? Did the reforms result from the opening of negotiations on Turkey's accession tothe European Union, in 2005, or were domestic political processes also a factor? What realchanges did these reforms introduce? What impact have they had on adjustments in the levels ofgovernment and the connections among them, and, more generally, on the Turkish politicalscene?

Since 2004, the government of Turkey has undertaken a number of "decentralisation" reforms.A number of laws have been passed that give increased autonomy and resources to regional andlocal authorities and aim to reorganise the division of tasks and the relationships between theseauthorities and the central government. These reforms represent substantial change, since therehad previously been practically no intermediate level between the central government and thecitizens, and the decision-making centres in Ankara constituted serious bottlenecks that wereregularly circumvented.The reform process raises a number of questions. What rationales led to the implementation ofthese reforms? Did the reforms result from the opening of negotiations on Turkey's accession tothe European Union, in 2005, or were domestic political processes also a factor? What realchanges did these reforms introduce? What impact have they had on adjustments in the levels ofgovernment and the connections among them, and, more generally, on the Turkish politicalscene?

Since 2004, the government of Turkey has undertaken a number of "decentralisation" reforms. A number of laws have been passed that give increased autonomy and resources to regional and local authorities and aim to reorganise the division of tasks and the relationships between these authorities and the central government. These reforms represent substantial change, since there had previously been practically no intermediate level between the central government and the citizens, and the decision-making centres in Ankara constituted serious bottlenecks that were regularly circumvented. The reform process raises a number of questions. What rationales led to the implementation of these reforms? Did the reforms result from the opening of negotiations on Turkey's accession to the European Union, in 2005, or were domestic political processes also a factor? What real changes did these reforms introduce? What impact have they had on adjustments in the levels of government and the connections among them, and, more generally, on the Turkish political scene?

Since 2004, the government of Turkey has undertaken a number of "decentralisation" reforms. A number of laws have been passed that give increased autonomy and resources to regional and local authorities and aim to reorganise the division of tasks and the relationships between these authorities and the central government. These reforms represent substantial change, since there had previously been practically no intermediate level between the central government and the citizens, and the decision-making centres in Ankara constituted serious bottlenecks that were regularly circumvented. The reform process raises a number of questions. What rationales led to the implementation of these reforms? Did the reforms result from the opening of negotiations on Turkey's accession to the European Union, in 2005, or were domestic political processes also a factor? What real changes did these reforms introduce? What impact have they had on adjustments in the levels of government and the connections among them, and, more generally, on the Turkish political scene?

Turkey's neo-Eurasianist ideologues describe themselves as 'Kemalist Eurasianists'. They argue that 'Eurasianism calls for a cultural, military, political and commercial alliance with Turkey's eastern neighbors, notably Russia, Iran, the Turkic countries of Central Asia, and even Pakistan, India and China' and is 'hostile towards any type of pro-Western policy in the Eurasian space. Turkey's neo-Eurasianists transformed from incarcerated villains to coalition partners in government and the bureaucracy. This spectacular reversal of fortunes could only materialize due to the special circumstances that arose from the ruthless power struggle between Turkey's Islamists. Nationalist-Islamism and Eurasianism overlap as they both despise West­ern dominance in the international order, feel threatened by the liberal cultural-civilizational siege of the West and thus have a common counter-hegemonic view of the world. Turkish Islamists and Eurasianists believe that a post-Western world is in the making. They argue that the unipolarity of the 1990s is over and that the West is essentially in an unstoppable decline - not least because of its degeneration in values. The true significance of Turkish 'Eurasianism' does not lie in its capacity to shape foreign and security policy although that cannot be totally dis­regarded; rather, its real contribution to the current regime comes from its critical role in widening and solidifying consent to authoritarian rule in Turkey.

The Turkish Republic proclaimed on the 29th of October 1923 gave, in many respects, a new start to the nation. This new and contemporary political status has also started a progressive and revolutionary cultural process in almost every field.

As a country seeking admission to the European Union, this paper explores educational reforms in Turkey that enhance its possible entry into the European Union and changes still needed for it to be an equal partner. An overview of the school system in Turkey is provided including information on teacher training and preparation, special education policy, and post high school participation. Its educational system still faces significant hurdles and must address human rights issues in order to provide equal access and nondiscriminatory education for all. While strides have been made to improve educational opportunities, inequality is still a reality for many females and those of lower socio-economic status. Higher education opportunities continue to improve with infrastructure problems competing to keep pace with the number of facilities available. Turkey continues to address these educational concerns while progressing toward the goal of improving its status as a European Union candidate.

In the last two decades, multiple Islamic parties have become incumbent parties and/or joined coalition governments. Such a development brought debate as to whether these parties could moderate into democratic actors à la Christian Democratic Parties in Western Europe, or whether they were aiming at the formation of an Islamist state and society through electoral means. What remains relatively unaddressed in the literature, however, is to what degree Islamic parties truly derive their socio-political agenda from Islam. Hence, this paper will ask, how do Islamic parties utilize Islam? To answer this question, this paper will use a single case-study approach to test and to rethink Islamic political parties and what is "Islamic" about them in the Turkish case. This paper will study the Turkish case because the country's incumbent party, the Justice and Development Party (JDP), has been governing Turkey since 2002, making the Party the longest ruling Islamic party still in power. Based on the literature on populism, this paper will argue that the way the JDP utilized Islam can be characterized as populism flavored by religion that is based on (i) a thin theological foundation, (ii) a majoritarian rather than a multivocal interpretation of Islam, and (iii) a Muslim unity rhetoric.

The New Right has often been defined as an amalgam of a commitment to USA driven neoliberal economics with conservative values. We saw this in England where Thatcherism took on the form of neoliberal economics, characterized by de-industrialization and the pervasive rule of the market, and old Victorian conservative values. We had the same thing under Reagan in the US and the two Bushes, the younger one foregrounding a specific form of bigoted Christian politics alongside the well established neoliberal policies. Turkey seems to be providing another manifestation of this kind of alliance under Recep Tayyip Erdogan's AKP Party where thousands are taking to the streets to oppose the current regime of old Islamic, anti-secularist values sitting comfortably with large scale US based Neoliberal capitalism. In all cases, the violent nature of capitalism itself, and especially Neoliberal capitalism, with its history of bloodshed, well known to Turkey with its US driven 1980 coup and the 1977 May Day massacre at Taksim Square, made its presence and (in Turkey's current situation) is making its presence felt. There has been an escalation of this in Turkey over the last few weeks. This chaptr provides a reflection on this escalation of violence and the great protests which took place against Neoliberalism at Gezi Park, Istanbul. ; peer-reviewed

WOS:000512302900015 ; Access to energy is a prerequisite for human development. For this reason, the concept of energy poverty is carefully monitored by the United Nations and the European Union within the scope of "Sustainable Development" objectives. In this study, energy poverty is conceptually investigated, and the data related to the current energy consumption and the main indicators of energy poverty in various countries were examined. Moreover, socioeconomic characteristics of energy poor households in Turkey were examined with the help of the 2017 Household Budget Survey data set. According to the most recent data available, about one-quarter of households in Turkey are energy poor while nearly half of the households, which have the lowest income levels, were found to carry the risk of facing energy poverty. For the richest households, this rate is only 3.48%. Additionally, the share of energy poor households was observed to decrease from 2003 to 2017.