Suchergebnisse

Hungary is an extremely poor state in terms of energy resources; the energy policy of the country and the structure of energy resources used have been and are determined by the energy import dependence. After WWII, it could obtain its increased demand necessary to its extensive energyintensive industry established based on the Soviet model almost entirely from the Soviet Union. Hungary, just like other Central-European countries, tried to decrease its unilateral dependence on energy import linked to Russia through several measures in the past 25 years but these efforts achieved partial success only; the Russian energy import dependence of Hungary and of a large part of Central-Europe remained till the present days. The 'National Energy Strategy 2030' developed on the basis of the guideline, adopted in 2011, specified insurance of long-term sustainability, security and economic competitiveness as primary objective of the Hungarian energy policy. The Government intends to guarantee security of supply, to enforce environmental considerations and depending on the options of the country, to stand up for solving global problems through implementation of the strategy. The strategy intends to achieve the termination of the electricity import balance of the country until 2030 by this 'Nuclear-Coal-Green' scenario based on these three pillars.

Mass migration, as it appears in the 21st century, is one of the greatest challenges of our globalized world. The unanswered questions of European Union (EU) immigration policy that emerged over the past few decades have become more pressing than ever. One of these urgent questions is: how can we provide for a developing European economy in an era of demographic decline in a way that it is based on the opportunities opened up by legally regulated forms of migration. A second question is: how can the EU ensure the safety of the newly arriving people in need and, at the same time, keep away illegal migrants and eliminate criminal activities related to migration. The European Union is destined to spread the principles of peace and unconditional respect for human rights not only within its own borders, but also on a global scale, when engaging in international affairs. In addition to observing human rights, however, the EU must also take into account all security considerations that are pertinent in guaranteeing the free movement of its citizens within the Member States.

The Khrushchev-inspired transformation of the school system affected the whole Central Eastern European region and determined pedagogical discourses for years. After the fall of Khrushchev (in 1964), the process stopped and the original goals were modified – in Hungary and everywhere in the socialist bloc. According to the evaluation of the reform after the fall of Khrushchev and the remembrance policy of the Kádár Era, the entire process was to be forgotten. This is definitely characteristic of the actors who participated in preparing decisions: although the School Reform Committee had formulated the main principles of the transformation (translating ideology into pedagogy), its members were barely referred to later, at most in one sentence as a warning. Chosen by party leaders, decision-makers were not mentioned in public in the 1960s or thereafter. In this paper, I briefly outline the historical context and then the theoretical aspects, which have prompted me to employ prosopography; in the second half of the study, an analysis provides a good example of this methodology. ; A Hruscsov által 1958-ban kezdeményezett oktatáspolitikai átalakítás az egész középkelet európai térségen végigsöpört, jó pár évre meghatározva a közéleti-pedagógiai diskurzusokat. Azonban Hruscsov bukása (1964) után megtorpant a folyamat, módosultak az eredeti célkitűzések Magyarországon és máshol is. A reform hatásai a mai napig érezhetőek (pl. az iskolarendszer reformja, a szakképzés, a koedukáció, a tananyag szerkezete, a középfokú oktatás expanziója), és a későbbiekben még fel-felbukkantak az átalakítás központi motívumai (pl. a politechnika, szocialista nevelőiskola), azonban Hruscsov bukása és a reform megítélése összekapcsolódott, a Kádár-rendszer emlékezetpolitikája a felejtés útját követte. Különösen igaz a hallgatás a hazai döntések előkészítésében részt vevő szereplőkre nézve: az átalakítás alapelveit megfogalmazó Iskolai Reformbizottság maximum említés szintjén bukkant fel a későbbiekben, nem is esett szó azokról a pártvezetés által kiválasztott döntéselőkészítőkről, döntéshozókról, akik az ideológiai-politikai akaratot a pedagógia nyelvére lefordították. Tanulmányomban a történeti kontextus rövid felvázolása után azokat az elméleti megfontolásokat ismertetem, amelyek a prozopográfiai módszertan alkalmazásához vezettek a kutatás során. A tanulmány második fele az elemzés bemutatásával a módszer alkalmazására nyújt példát.

The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward. ; The Repatriation Campaigns of People's Democracies 1954–1956 During the Cold War the intention to gain political influence over migrant groups (and to entice them to come home), or to retain it (and to successfully integrate them into society) was part of the foreign-policy struggle between the two opposing power blocks. The Post-Stalin Soviet foreign policy has thrown itself into this political struggle with a remarkably flexible institutional and political-ideological aim. The Eastern European small and medium allies have followed the example of "the big brother" within their own capacities. The Hungarian foreign policy was particularly adept in this at the time whose technics of temptation to lure migrants home from abroad formed the basis of the similar or renewed effort of the Kádár government from the end of 1956 onward.

The Great Depression that broke out on 24th October 1929 resulted a severe agricultural and credit crisis in Hungary. Therefor the Hungarian foreign policy's aim was to encourage the foreign investments on the one hand, and to circulate loans for the country ont he other hand, and last but not least obtain foreign markets for the Hungarian agricultural products. The present study summarize the attempts of the Hungarian foreign policy between 1929 and 1932, that the Hungarian government led by István Bethlen and Gyula Károlyi trying to achieve in order to overcome the crisis. The study describes Bethlen's negotiations in Paris, London, Berlin, Vienna, that brought part success, but did not result a breakthrough and Hungary's external action concerning the German-Austrian customs union plan. It presents the two foreign ministers Lajos Walko's and Gyula Karolyi's attempts. Concerning Gyula Károlyi is about the Hungarian foreign policy's French orientation attempt. Finally, the study summarize the reasons that ultimately led to the failure of both governments. Finding the foreign policy solution for recovering from the crisis left for the 1932 October founded government and for Gyula Gombos.

One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents. ; One of the most important diplomatic debates of the 1990s evolved around the eastern enlargement of the NATO. In the early years of the foreign policy of the Middle-Eastern countries by now free from soviet influence one major issue was to adapt themselves to the post-cold war world order. All of the countries involved – the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary in the first round – soon realized that their only option was to get integrated into the western organizations, to NATO in particular. The leading politicians of this organization had their doubts about these countries' capability to adapt to the already developed system of the organization. This is mainly illustrated by the fact that until the middle of the decade there was a lack of real commitment to the enlargement of the alliance. The PfP document of January 1994 may be regarded as a breakthrough. The diplomacy of Moscow became more and more dismissive as to the idea of the eastern enlargement of the NATO. Within a few months an attitude that regarded Russia joining the NATO as a possible perspective gave way to the total rejection of the enlargement. This study aims at exploring the determining points of this debate mainly in the light of the most important documents.

The agricultural and rural development policies of the European Union come/came across constant changes, becoming one of the newest stages of structural and economic problems the joining of the new member states. A new process has been initiated with Agenda 2000 and Agenda 2000+ in the Union due to which the establishment of the so called multifunctional agricultural model became a priority for the EU15 and later on the EU25. This model, separating agrarian and rural development introducing a two pillar finance system, wishes to react on the European challenges of the new millennium on the fields of agriculture and rural development. It is a basic need of Hungary to acquire as fast as possible the methods of the Union in order to receive regional grants, create adequate institutional background, projects and programmes involving more actively the rural population into the accomplishment of development plans. ; Az Európai Unió agrár- és vidékfejlesztési politikái folyamatos változásokon mentek-mennek keresztül, melynek egyik legújabb állomásává a csatlakozni kívánó országok felvétele és az azzal járó strukturális és gazdasági problémák megjelenése vált. Az AGENDA 2000-rel, majd az AGENDA 2000+-al egy újabb folyamat indult meg az Unióban melynek eredményeként az ún. többfunkciós agrármodell kiépítése lett az első számú cél a 15-ök és 2004-től a 25-ök Európájában. Ez a modell az agrár- és vidékfejlesztést kettéválasztva kétpilléres finanszírozási rendszert vezetve be kíván az új évezred európai kihívásaira reagálni a mezőgazdaság s a vidékfejlesztés terén. Hazánk alapvető érdeke, hogy minél gyorsabban sajátítsa el az Unióban használatos regionális támogatásokért folytatott módszereket, megfelelő intézményhátteret, pályázatokat és programokat hozva létre, ezáltal mind aktívabban vonva be a vidéki lakosságot is a tervek megvalósításában.

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.