Suchergebnisse

Carbon taxes are advocated as efficient fiscal and environmental policy tools, but they have proven difficult to implement. One reason is that carbon taxes can aggravate poverty by increasing prices of basic goods and services such as food, heating and commuting. Meanwhile, cash transfer programmes have been established as some of the most efficient poverty-reducing policies used in developing countries. We quantify how governments could mitigate negative social consequences of carbon taxes by expanding the beneficiary base or the amounts disbursed with existing cash transfer programmes. We focus on Latin America and the Caribbean, a region that has pioneered cash transfer programmes, aspires to contribute to climate mitigation and faces inequality. We find that 30% of carbon revenues could suffice to compensate poor and vulnerable households on average, leaving 70% to fund other political priorities. We also quantify trade-offs for governments choosing who and how much to compensate.

The dissertation begins by outlining the history and objectives of the Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP) as one of the key government interventions to address poverty and unemployment. The paper moves on to analyse the Vukuzakhe programme which is an initiative of the Eastern Cape Department of Roads and Public Works within the infrastructure sector of the EPWP. This analysis looks at policy assumptions in respect of institutional arrangements that informed the development and implementation of the Vukuzakhe Programme. The study goes on to identify and assess the outcomes of public entrepreneurship with the context of the Vukuzakhe programme. The hypotheses made are that: A: "The success of the Vukuzakhe programme was as the result of effective acts of public entrepreneurship." B: "The successful and effective acts of public entrepreneurship were demonstrated in the way in which change was orchestrated and directed, through the building of internal capacity and ability to marshal support from diverse stakeholders."

Is version of EUI RSCAS PP; 2015/01; Global Governance Programme ; The role of the World Trade Organization (WTO) is often thought to be twofold—conducting formal rounds of negotiations and resorting to the dispute settlement system—but the third dimension of its work, which can be broadly grouped as transparency and accountability mechanisms, may be the most important. Transparency is part of the WTO's DNA, and can be traced at least through the 1947 GATT back to a 1923 treaty on customs cooperation. This essential element of WTO institutional design illuminates trade policy practices to the benefit of both governments and traders. The WTO's twentieth anniversary is an appropriate moment to describe the impressive evolution of its transparency mechanisms, assess the effectiveness of these mechanisms, and reflect on what more must be done if the WTO is to fulfill its potential as the central institution for governing the global trading system.

This paper summarizes the current situation of mental health services in the Arab world. Out of 20 countries for which information is available, six do not have a mental health legislation and two do not have a mental health policy. Three countries (Lebanon, Kuwait and Bahrain) had in 2007 more than 30 psychiatric beds per 100,000 population, while two (Sudan and Somalia) had less than 5 per 100,000. The highest number of psychiatrists is found in Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait, while seven countries (Iraq, Libya, Morocco, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen) have less than 0.5 psychiatrists for 100,000 population. The budget allowed for mental health as a percentage from the total health budget, in the few countries where information is available, is far below the range to promote mental health services. Some improvement has occurred in the last decade, but the mental health human resources and the attention devoted to mental health issues are still insufficient.

The government's implementation of various forest management policies often fails to protect forest and reduce the number of poor communities around it. This study aims to discover disctimination in forest management oplicies issued and implementation by the State, the erultant structural proverty, and social resistance from by communities within and around forest conservation areas. this study was a qualitative one using a descriptive analytical approach conducted at the State level, Husserl's phenomenology at an individual level and Berger at collective level. The location of the result of the study indicate that the logging done by the local community was due to their displeasure with the goverment's policies, considered discriminatory in their application to the timber company and community. Implementation of deliberative policy to resolve conflicts between the government and Atar Lebar community int the TNBBS forest conservation area is necessary for the resolution of the socio-structural problems in Atar Lebar

We live in a globalized world and the mobility of people identifies the modernity of our time. Therefore, obtaining Spanish nationality by residence is an important issue in the Spanish social, economic, political and legal environment. For a foreign to acquire the nationality is a long road to travel with more thorns than roses, so this issue needs to be seen as seriously as possible. The objective of this work is to outline some of the doctrines of the latest case law on the subject, in relation to the requirements for obtaining Spanish nationality. Starting from the premise that when a foreigner comes to acquiring the nationality, it is how to get to the promised land, "El Dorado". ; Vivimos en un mundo globalizado y la movilidad de las personas es identificativo de la modernidad, por esta razón la obtención de la nacionalidad española por residencia constituye un tema de importancia en el entorno social, económico, político y jurídico español. Para un extranjero adquirir la nacionalidad es un largo camino transitado más de espinas que de rosas, por ello este tema requiere ser visto con toda la seriedad que sea posible. El objetivo de este trabajo es reseñar algunas de las doctrinas de la jurisprudencia más actualizada en la materia, en relación a los requisitos exigidos para la obtención de la nacionalidad española. Partiendo de la premisa, que cuando un extranjero llega a adquirir la misma, es como llegar a la tierra prometida, "al Dorado".

With the rhetoric in international management espousing the value of being able to access and capitalise on the knowledge of a workforce with international experience in order to compete globally and the need to embrace diversity (including cultural or ethnic diversity) in and across organisations, this paper discusses the findings from a qualitative research undertaking where senior and middle managers working for multinational organisations in a cross-section of industry sectors were interviewed. A total of twenty in-depth interviews were conducted with "foreign" managers based in Europe, the majority hired on local contracts. The findings presented in this paper outline the value of following an international career from the personal viewpoint. The interviewees' perceptions of their additional competency of multicultural experience and the corresponding value recognition by their employers are also described. While most participants in the study acknowledge their international status as having been a factor in their recruitment and professional role within the organisation, the opportunities for hierarchical advancement within their employing organisations are contingent on the respective country job market conditions and policies and internal politics which at times appear prejudiced against the "foreign" workforce. This naturally has repercussions for the retention of key employees which have the international acumen supposedly of major importance for multinational organisations operating in the global economy. Where strategic human resource management propounds the competitive advantage organisations can achieve through the effective use of their human capital, this paper discusses the "reality" as perceived by the interviewees in this study, outlining the implications for strategic human resource management in practice.

PurposeDecentralised administrative arrangements and the active function of local government organisations are essential to tackle crisis effectively. Using Bangladesh as a case study, this paper examines the central and local government administrative arrangements during COVID-19 pandemic.Design/methodology/approachThis study applies qualitative content analysis and interviews to explore the local government's role in Bangladesh's COVID-19 management by interviews of 18 participants including government officials, experts, non-government organisations (NGOs) representatives, and the general public. This paper also analysed academic papers, policy documents and other publicly available documents, including newspaper reports.FindingsThe Constitution of Bangladesh intensified the active participation of local government in each administrative unit through decentralised administrative management. This paper however reveals that the administrative arrangement during the COVID-19 pandemic in Bangladesh was primarily a centrally led system. The local government was not sufficiently involved, nor had it integrated into the planning and coordination process. This indicated the absence of active decentralised administration.Originality/valueThis study fills the research gap of the administrative pattern and local relations in COVID-19 management by exploring the local government's role during the catastrophic situation and highlights the importance of decentralised administrative actions in managing the crisis.

AbstractThis article analyses the migration agreements between the European Union (EU) and Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan. These international policy frameworks were negotiated in tandem with one another, and all were announced in 2016. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in the three countries, the article argues that they fuse humanitarian elements with a bloc‐based security logic in an ad‐hoc mix that lacks substantive legitimacy in the three states, rendering the frameworks unstable. The article introduces the idea of hybrid migration governance which we have developed inductively to conceptualise the empirical findings from our fieldwork, building on existing work on hybridity in the conflict and security studies literature and Nora Stel's conception of governance as the ability to shape the field of action of others. In our usage, hybrid migration governance refers to the efficacy of EU intervention in the institutional management of migration in the three case study countries ('shaping the field of action'), the 'frozen' character of the societal relations formed through this process and their underlying lack of domestic legitimacy. In conclusion, we argue that hybrid migration governance poses problem for the EU's 'Barcelona' conception of human security, because rather than expanding the bloc's 'zone of security' to the international neighbourhood, these policies have generated downstream security‐risks.

PurposeThis paper examines the cross-cultural internship teaching experience of a mainland Chinese student of a Master's program on adult education in a Macao university.Design/methodology/approachUsing autobiography, the data were collected from the teaching journals, biographical notes, and deep reflections of the student teacher, tracking the whole process of cross-cultural internship teaching. The data were analyzed in a grounded way, by scrutinizing the process to overcome the difficulties and challenges encountered in the two-month internship teaching period.FindingsThree key themes were identified: (a) constructing relationship with mentor teacher as the key condition; (b) classroom interaction as an important influencing factor; (c) professional identity as the result of the learning-to-teach process. Furthermore, this paper reveals an adaptation process during the internship, where the student teacher went through three phases, namely, novice anxiety, adjustment, and ability acquisition.Originality/valueThis paper's analysis on the internship teaching experience reflecting practical issues in the process has extended the literature of academic adaptation in internship learning of non-local students. Based on this cross-cultural student case under the unique mainland China-Macao cross-border context, some suggestions are provided for university policy makers and educators in Macao.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate, firstly, to what extent has Nepal's bureaucracy become representative in terms of reflecting the country's demographic composition, and secondly, has the bureaucracy become more responsive to citizens since the implementation of a quota policy in 2007.Design/methodology/approachThis paper relies on factual and perceptual data in analysis. In order to analyze and interpret representative bureaucracy, this paper adopts factual data derived from the secondary sources, especially data generated by the Government of Nepal. Second, the perceptual set of data was collected through two rounds (2008, 2014) of a country-representative survey in Nepal.FindingsThe findings suggest that in terms of representativeness, the bureaucracy is still dominated by high-caste Hindus, while other ethnic communities, except the Newars, are utterly under-represented. Surprisingly, Dalits are represented in higher posts as per their percentage in the population, but they are still underrepresented in the civil service in general. Women's representation has also increased through participation in the civil service, but they still mostly hold junior or non-gazetted posts. Citizens' evaluations regarding responsiveness and processes of service provision are also mixed.Originality/valueThis paper is a unique attempt to understand the aspects of representativeness and responsiveness in relation to Nepalese Civil Service.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to discuss the mapping processes and lessons learned in a project to scope the user involvement activity of groups of people with dementia across the UK.Design/methodology/approachData was gathered using a mapping questionnaire designed with help from people with dementia, in‐depth interviews and through a filming process at two national events. A total of 32 groups completed the main questionnaire and five groups were interviewed.FindingsThe collective voice of people with dementia is at a relatively early stage. Groups are at different stages on their journeys and many (completely understandably) prioritise peer support, and local rather than national action. But user‐led groups are growing in number and confidence. They ask for support in capacity‐building, networking and learning from each other so they can increase their influence over attitudes, policy and services.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper relies on self reports from groups the authors were able to identify.Originality/valueResearch that looks at the mechanisms that support the involvement of people with dementia is still in its infancy. This paper combines data and findings from a wide range of groups to provide recommendations about how to improve the involvement of people with dementia.

Studies of the impact of European integration on the national administrations of the member states of the European Union (EU) have pointed towards an uneven process of "Europeanization." While there has unquestionably been a growing range and frequency of contacts between national administrations and the EU system, there is little evidence of an expected convergence towards a common institutional model. This uneven Europeanization is presently explained with reference to a neo‐institutionalist framework, drawing primarily on the work of March and Olsen. It is argued that the politico‐administrative systems of the member states differentially adapt to the pressures of European integration in a manner which reflects the preexisting balance of domestic institutionnal structures, as well as th broader matrices of values which define the nature of appropriate political forms in the case of each national polity. Distinctive national patterns of institutional adjustment, rather than appearing anomalous, emerge as corresponding to a basic logic of differentiation indissociable from the integration process itself. The general argument is illustrated by an extended comparative study of France and the Netherlands, examining both the making and the implementation of European policy in the two countries.

This article is an analysis and description of public sector management changes in developed economies over the past 10 years as seen from the perspective of two practitioners who regard themselves as general supporters of the new "managerialism" and are strong believers in the need for, and possibility of, well‐performing public institutions and organizations. We aim to describe what we think the changes are, or should have been about, and to suggest where the successes and failures have occurred. In doing so, we draw on the analysis and description of these changes by a number of prominent academics. Not surprisingly, we differ from them in a number of respects. In some of the detail, we have more to say about Australia than other countries. This reflects our involvement in the reform program of that county as well as our view that Australian reform efforts, despite their flaws, are of particular interest because of the attention they paid to the linkages between policymaking at the center, the systems, processes and structures that support strategic policymaking and the translation of strategic policy into efficient and effective implementation, including effective provision of goods and services to the community.

Health care systems in the postwar period have been governed by political bargains between the state and the medical profession that have delinzated their respective powers and jurisdictions. Recent health care cost containment reforms in Britain and Germany are altering these bargains, and thereby challenge the prerogatives and autonomy of the medical profession in health policy formulation and in administration of the health care systems. But these challenges to doctors' power and autonomy vary between the two countries. Britain's 1989 "internal market" reforms attack the corporatist bargain with physicians by introducing market mechanisms into the National Health Service and, at the same time, strengthening central state control of the health care system. In Germany, on the other hand, the government's 1992 reforms only partially breached the corporatist bargain with doctors in order to strengthen rather than destroy this governance arrangement. The government has tried to curb what it views as excessive power of doctors while still allowing them a significant degree of corporatist self‐governance. The reform efforts in both countries highlight some of the problems with different governance arrangements in health care systems and, more specifically, the difficulties associated with a market in health care.