Suchergebnisse

Uganda is often heralded as an African success story. The country re-established political stability after the civil wars following Idi Amin's overthrow and subsequently experienced strong economic growth during the 1990s. Gross domestic product (GDP) grew rapidly at almost 4 percent annually in per capita terms during 1993–2000 (Uganda, BOS 2008a). At least part of this rapid growth was due to a program of economic reforms, although the implications of these reforms were not universally positive (see, for example, Dijkstra and Van Donge 2001). Economic growth during the 1990s was also broadly based, with per capita agricultural GDP rising by about 1.5 percent per year, driven by both food and traditional export crops. Economywide growth greatly reduced poverty in both rural and urban areas (Uganda, BOS 2008b). Moreover, poverty rates fell fast enough to offset high population growth, and by 2000 there were almost three million fewer people living below the poverty line than in 1993. Agricultural growth thus played a key role during Uganda's successful recovery period by fostering broad-based growth and poverty reduction (Kappel, Lay, and Steiner 2005). ; PR ; IFPRI1 ; DGO; DSGD

The objective of this chapter is to contribute to the policy debate on the changing landscape of agricultural extension and advisory services in Uganda. Particularly, we investigate the effectiveness of different modes of advisory services implemented in Uganda. We compare the effectiveness of pluralistic and demand-driven advisory services with the traditional supply-driven advisory services, which operated along the NAADS approach from 2001 to 2014. Government-affiliated advisory services continued to offer supply-driven advisory services in subcounties where the NAADS program was not operating. We explore the effectiveness of the current agricultural advisory services approach used—with emphasis on gender—to reflect the key role women play in both agricultural production and extension services. We discuss the enabling environment and policies, in which we investigate the historical context of extension services in Uganda. ; PR ; IFPRI4; CRP2; DCA; Land Resource Management for Poverty Reduction ; EPTD; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

According to the pragmatist framework of this book, practices in which citizenship is constructed are embedded in certain environments and, accordingly, current citizenship habits have been formulated in the course of a continuity of experiences and in interaction with existing circumstances (Holma & Kontinen, this volume). In this chapter, we provide a short overview of Uganda in so far as it is relevant for understanding the experiences and practices of citizenship: both vocal political engagement and the everyday processes of addressing matters of local importance. In contemporary Uganda, citizenship is manifest, on the one hand, in the upfront contestation and mobilization of visible opposition figures with increased popular support, and, on the other, continuously in mundane everyday life where problems are solved and shared issues are addressed together. The chapter thus contextualizes subsequent empirical chapters on gendered citizenship (Ndidde et al.), localized citizenship (Ahimbisibwe et al.), subdued citizenship (Alava) and critical education (Bananuka & John) in Uganda, and provides inspiration for reflecting on prevalent liberal ideas of citizenship in light of lived experience of politics in the country. The chapter proceeds as follows: an overview of Ugandan history is followed by discussion of some of its contemporary characteristics, after which we conclude with reflection on the multiple spaces for citizenship learning in Uganda. ; peerReviewed

Vols. for 1904/10-1952/56 published by the Government Printer, Entebbe ; Vols. for 1956/57 include also decisions of the Court of Appeal for Eastern Africa (later, the Court of Appeal for East Africa) on appeal from the High Court ; At head of title, 1904/10-1936/51: Uganda Protectorate ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Title varies: 1904/10, Law reports, containing cases determined by the High Court of Uganda, and by the Court of Appeal for Eastern Africa, on appeal from that court . With an appendix containing notes on land tenure, etc., in Uganda; 1910/20-1929/31, Law reports, containing cases determined by the High Court of Uganda; 1932/35-1936/51, Law reports, being reports of selected cases decided by H.M. High Court of Uganda; 1952/56, Uganda law reports, being reports of selected cases decided by the High Court of Uganda ; FOR COMPLETE RECORD SEE CHECKLIST

Medical care in developing countries is challenging. The providers have the knowledge of best practices, but these often can not be used due to lack of funding and resources. This leaves healthcare less than subpar and full of innovations to make it work. This presentation is an overview of our experiences observing healthcare in Uganda. Topics include, in field operations, maternal fetal medicine, traditional healers, dentistry, lack of healthcare in rural villages, and the lack of medical tools and resources. Healthcare work was observed at the Kigezi Healthcare Foundation in Kabale, Uganda. KIHEFO is a non-profit non governmental organization (NGO) that provides care to many people throughout the Kabale area This organization is founded and operated by Dr. Geoffery Anguyo, an expert in HIV and public health. A main issue in Uganda was funding, KIHEFO didn't have enough money. The Public Health department would like to help this situation by hosting a coin drive and doing a tooth brush collection drive before our next trip. These two fundraisers should help improve medical situations at KIHEFO, providing medical supplies for those in need. During Christmas break, a group of 11 students and 2 Faculty members traveled to Kabale, Uganda to learn about global health. The best way to understand global health is to immerse yourself and experience global health.

Parliament. Papers by command, C. 8683, 8718, 8941, Cd. 361, 590, 591, 671, 769, 2099, 2100, 2740, 4354. ; Accompanied with 5 maps in back pocket. ; 1. Gt. Brit. Foreign Office. Report by Sir A. Hardinge on the condition and progress of the East Africa Protectorate.--2. Gt. Brit. Foreign Office. Papers relating to recent events in the Uganda Protectorate.--3. Gt. Brit. Foreign Office. Papers, in continuation of "Africa no. 2-1898."--4. Uganda. Special Commissioner. Maps.--5. Uganda. Special Commissioner. Despatch, relating to travellers in the Protectorate.--6. Gt. Brit. Foreign Office. Correspondence relating to the murder of Mr. Jenner.--7. Uganda. Special Commissioner. Report, on the Protectorate of Uganda.--8. East Africa Protectorate. Commissioner. Report on the East Africa Protectorate.--9. Gt. Brit. Foreign Office. Correspondence relating to the resignation of Sir Charles Eliot.--10. Gt. Brit. Foreign Office. Return of concessions in the East Africa and Uganda Protectorates.--11. Gt. Brit. Foreign Office. Reports relating to the administration of the East Africa Protectorate.--12. Gt. Brit. Colonial Office. Uganda Railway. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Recon7.

Uganda is a landlocked developing country in East Africa with an estimated population of 24.8 million people (2002 census). At independence (in 1962) Uganda was a very prosperous and stable country, with enviable medical services in the region. This, however, was destroyed by a tyrant military regime and the subsequent civil wars up to 1986, when the current government took over the reigns of power.

Over the past 25 years, Uganda has experienced sustained economic growth, supported by a prudent macroeconomic framework and propelled by consistent policy reforms. Annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth averaged 7.4 percent in the 2000s, compared with 6.5 in the 1990s. Economic growth has enabled substantial poverty reduction, with the proportion of people living in poverty more than halving from 56 percent in the 1992 to 23.3 percent in 2009. However, welfare improvements have not been shared equally; there is increasing urban rural inequality and inequality between regions. Revitalizing economic growth and tackling persistent poverty will require addressing a number of challenges. These include alleviating infrastructure bottlenecks; increasing agricultural productivity; managing land, water and other natural resources; addressing demographic challenges; and confronting governance issues. The development and management of water resources is intimately linked to Uganda's continued development ambitions. Water can be both a positive force-providing productive input to agriculture, industry, energy and tourism, and sustaining human and environmental health-as well as a destructive one-to which the devastating consequences of floods and droughts can attest. The National Water Resources Assessment (NWRA) estimates that Uganda's total renewable water resources are about 43 million cubic meters (MCM), less than was estimated in the Ministry of Water and Environment's (MWE's) Sector Investment Plan (SIP) in 2009. About 13 percent of this is sustainable groundwater (5.67 MCM) and the balance is surface water (37.41 MCM). About one half of all districts in Uganda experience annual rainfall deficits-the difference between evapotranspiration and rainfall-ranging from slightly above zero to 400 mm. The frequency of rainfall anomalies below normal (or long-term annual average) is significantly greater than the frequency of rainfall anomalies higher than normal. The Uganda water Country Assistance Strategy (CAS) aims to assist the Government of Uganda (GoU) in identifying priority actions for building on successful outcomes, tackling remaining challenges, and exploiting opportunities in Uganda's water sector. The objective of the water CAS is to define the World Bank's strategic role in supporting GoU to better manage and develop its water resources. The recommendations of the water CAS are complementary to the World Bank Uganda Country Assistance Strategy (CAS) 2011-15 priorities for Uganda and consistent with the country's development objectives as defined in the National Development Plan (NDP) and water and related sector plans and strategies, which form the foundation of the World Bank Uganda CAS.

Doing business 2020 is the 17th in a series of annual studies investigating the regulations that enhance business activity and those that constrain it. Doing business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 190 economies - from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe - and over time. Regulations affecting 12 areas of the life of a business are covered: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting minority investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts, resolving insolvency, employing workers, and contracting with the government. The employing workers and contracting with the government indicator sets are not included in this year's ranking on the ease of doing business. Data in doing business 2020 are current as of May 1, 2019. The indicators are used to analyze economic outcomes and identify what reforms of business regulation have worked, where, and why. This economy profile presents indicators for Uganda for 2020, Uganda ranks 116.

This open access book investigates psychiatry in Uganda during the years of decolonisation. It examines the challenges facing a new generation of psychiatrists as they took over responsibility for psychiatry at the end of empire, and explores the ways psychiatric practices were tied to shifting political and development priorities, periods of instability, and a broader context of transnational and international exchange. At its heart is a question that has concerned psychiatrists globally since the mid-twentieth century: how to bridge the social and cultural gap between psychiatry and its patients? Bringing together archival research with oral histories, Yolana Pringle traces how this question came to dominate both national and international discussions on mental health care reform, including at the World Health Organization, and helped spur a culture of experimentation and creativity globally. As Pringle shows, however, the history of psychiatry during the years of decolonisation remained one of marginality, and ultimately, in the context of war and violence, the decolonisation of psychiatry was incomplete.

This paper explores the poverty agenda in Uganda, its drivers and its effects. We show that transforming the economy by increasing productivity was initially considered more important than to reduce poverty through redistributive policies. However, as a consequence of the 1996 elections a consensus on poverty eradication through health and education emerged. The Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP) had a shopping list nature and it is therefore difficult to establish whether it was implemented. Growth and poverty reduction during the PEAP period was mainly due to a continuation of macro-economic policies that were introduced prior to the PEAP. Around the multi-party elections in 2006, policy priorities changed towards more focus on agricultural production, agro-business and infrastructure. The government now has a two-edged focus: poverty reduction through economic transformation and poverty reduction through social services. However, there is also a political agenda about remaining in power which threatens to undermine the results achieved so far.

As it transitions to an oil-producing country, Uganda's investments in infrastructure and physical capital will increasingly depend on the ability of the construction sector to respond to surges in demand and transform investment effort into outcomes. Using administrative and survey data, this paper sets out to examine the current bottlenecks to production faced by the construction sector in Uganda and identifies possible policy remedies to relieve them. A secondary point of emphasis in the paper's analysis is the interaction between government and construction firms through public procurement, and the instrumental role procurement plays in the efficient development of the industry.

Using data from 433 firms operating along Uganda's charcoal and timber supply chains we investigate patterns of bribe payment and tax collection between supply chain actors and government officials responsible for collecting taxes and fees. We examine the factors associated with the presence and magnitude of bribe and tax payments using a series of bivariate probit and Tobit regression models. We find empirical support for a number of hypotheses related to payments, highlighting the role of queuing, capital-at-risk, favouritism, networks, and role in the supply chain. We also find that taxes crowd-in bribery in the charcoal market.

Uganda Bureau of Statistics is a semi-automous body established by an Act of Parliament in 1998, to promote the production of reliable official statistics and ensure the development and maintenance of the National Statistical System (NSS). The Bureau publishes regular surveys on family planning, gender, economic indicators, national accounts, trade, livestock, agriculture to mention but a few and forecasts, including the monthly inflation figures for the country. Outreach on the other hand is an activity of providing services to the populations who might not otherwise have access to those services, the outreach services are focused on meeting the need of people at locations where those in need cannot access them. This paper aims at establishing the outreach services that UBOS provides to the data users, the challenges they face in providing these outreach services to the data users, and the recommendations to improve on the outreach services.

SOCIAL JUSTICE, HEALTH AND POVERTY IN UGANDA John Barugahare Injustice in Uganda manifests in many ways. One most serious, yet least discussed social injustice, is inequity in Health. Although there are two equally important aims of health systems – efficiency and equity, in Uganda too much focus has been on ensuring efficiency and as a consequence concerns of equity have been relegated. Ultimately, health policy in Uganda has disproportionately negatively affected the poor's livelihoods in general and the trend seems to be worsening by day. Even though it is possible to borrow a leaf from the Western literature on how to design a good health policy, low income countries like Uganda have special features that render the extrapolation of the Western input good but not enough. In particular, these special features are the level of resource constraints, poverty and the financing mechanism of health care services. These three have very serious implications for equity in health. In general, there is a lot of injustice in the Uganda health care and this has been mainly due to poverty levels and the financing mechanism which the system relies on. Hence, there is an urgent need to concentrate on a discussion of injustice in health because health enhances people's functionings and is a mandatory condition for people's enjoyment of other life opportunities to the extent that if a section of a society is made to suffer injustice in health, this will translate into injustice in all the dimensions of their lives. This is something that fair‐minded people cannot afford to live with for long. Therefore, it is important in this work to illustrate how the above three special features play to cause and sustain inequity in Uganda health care system and to suggest the starting point to overcoming this injustice, not only in Uganda but as a general trend in health policy analysis. THE POLITICS OF RESTORING ETHICS AND THE CHALLENGE OF PATRIOTISM IN SERVICE DELIVERY IN UGANDA'S PUBLIC SERVICE Dickson Kanakulya Reports indicate that there is an erosion of professionalism and ethics across most of the East African public service systems and this is limiting the efficient service delivery and negatively impacts on social justice. Because of this challenge many approaches are being applied to mitigate it, such as the institutional, legal, cultural and the political. This paper discusses the political approach and particularly problematizes the political push for patriotism in Uganda. Most of the critique and analysis was done while carrying out research and consultancy with Makerere Centre for Applied Ethics (MACAE) in selected districts in Uganda under the project "Pro‐poor Integrity" (PPI) funded by Tiri and DFID. The paper argues that the government's policy of patriotism is more of politicking than real improvement of service delivery to the people. Political interference in public service has engendered a culture of impunity and increased unethical conduct among 'politically‐connected' civil servants right from the grass root service to the top administration, The paper argues that if ethics in Uganda's public administration is to improve politicians ought to be divorce party‐biased ideology from the patriotism discourse such that it can appeal to a wider spectrum of Ugandans. PERSISTENT COLONIAL COERCION IN CONTEMPORARY UGANDA: FOUNDATION OF SOCIAL INJUSTICES IN THE COUNTRY Gervase Tusabe Since 1962, all Uganda's major centres of power i.e., political, economic and military have always been dominated by a chosen few, and the attendant wealth that goes with such powers has always been disproportionately enjoyed in favour of these chosen few when a considerable large number of people in the country are living under the weight of abject poverty. The major argument advanced in this paper is that the fundamental cause of this experience of injustice in Uganda is the persistent domestic colonial mode of political administration that is managed by a particular closed group of individuals who more or less conspired to work together to promote their self‐centred interests at the cost of deliberately ignoring the legitimate interests of the Ugandans who are outside their group. STRUCTURAL INJUSTICES AND THE ETHICS OF ENGENDERING POVERTY ERADICATION POLICIES IN UGANDA Michael George Kizito Since time immemorial, poverty reduction interventions in Sub‐Saharan Africa like everywhere in the South, have focused on the individual as the basic ingredient of a moral society (ethical individualism). According to this perspective, in order to lift human persons out of poverty, it is imperative to integrate poor persons into poverty eradication interventions irrespective of sex, social status and gender. Scholars and institutions that subscribed to this conception of poverty thought that individuals were poor because of personal weaknesses (case poverty).This perspective has been greatly challenged due to the upsurge of gender and human rights scholarship in the 20th century. Gender scholars have painstakingly argued that in order to understand poverty, we need to look at society (ethical collectivism). They have rejected the Women in Development(WID) discourse that aims at integrating women into the development process in favour of the Gender and Development(GAD) approach to development and poverty reduction that aims at confronting power relations between men and women (empowerment).This GAD perspective looks at poverty in terms of the powerlessness speared head by prevailing structures in society (structural poverty) and hence the need to empower vulnerable persons such as women to challenge structures and strictures of oppression. The International Monetary fund (IMF) and World Bank as vehement promoters of economism in Sub‐Saharan Africa for decades have urged governments to include the perspectives of the poor in poverty polices through what they call participatory poverty assessments (PPAs). Despite its deceptive appearance, this PPAs stance of the IMF and World Bank tacitly looks at poverty as a case and not structural issue and that is why Uganda's ambitious poverty reduction policy though greatly informed by Participatory Poverty Assessments greatly ignores structures and strictures that render women vulnerable to poverty. This paper critically assesses the obliviousness of Uganda's Agricultural poverty policy to structures and how this has militated on the gender poverty production in Uganda. The paper contends that in order to realise engendered poverty eradication in Uganda, it is pertinent for the agricultural policy to ultimately make paradigm shift from focusing on the individual as the basic ingredient of a moral society (ethical individualism) to confronting structures and strictures that disempower and vulnerablelise individual moral agents (ethical collectivism). ; Contrubution authors to the chapters are John Barugahare, Dickson Kanakulya, Michael George Kizito and Gervase Tusabe.