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Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration. ; Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration.

Pitanje kako formirati vladu ako izborni rezultat nije dovoljno jasan za određivanje kontura za njezino oblikovanje otvara se kada stranke nisu jasno obznanile svoje saveze prije izbora ili kada izborni rezultat nije izlučio apsolutnu većinu u korist jedne ili druge predizborno stvorene koalicije stranaka. Njemački odgovor daje prednost većinskom elementu nad ideološkim elementom. Umjesto stava da najbrojnija parlamentarna stranka nužno mora vladati ili da sukob dviju najvećih stranaka apsolutno isključuje njihov savez u postizbornom vladanju političke stranke smatraju da obvezatno moraju djelovati kako bi se institucionalno stvorila većina potrebna za vladanje. Njemačka doktrina iznosi da nužnost raspolaganja radno sposobnom vladom vrijedi više od stranačkih ideoloških razmatranja i prosudbi. U zbilji njemačkog parlamentarnog sustava predsjednik SR Njemačke predlaže za kancelara osobu koja na temelju objavljenog pismenog koalicijskog sporazuma zaključenog u prethodnom postupku formiranja vlade, prije započinjanja formalnog ustavom propisanog postupka, dokazuje da uživa apsolutnu većinu svih zastupnika u Bundestagu. U Velikoj Britaniji ustavna se zagonetka o formiranju vlade u slučaju da izbori ne rezultiraju apsolutnom većinom za pojedinu stranku u Donjem domu rješava ustavnom konvencijom. Od aktualne vlade očekuje se da podnese ostavku ako postane jasno da neće moći dobiti povjerenje Donjeg doma te ako postoji jasna alternativa. Ustav Republike Hrvatske (čl. 98.) određuje obvezatno obavljanje konzultacija, odnosno provedbu neformalnog prethodnog postupka za formiranje vlade. Takav postupak u praksi čine istražni koalicijski razgovori i završni dogovor vidljiv u koalicijskom sporazumu (SR Njemačka) ili na listi potpisa većine svih zastupnika (Hrvatska). ; The question of how to form the government if the election result is not sufficiently clear to determine the contours of its design presents itself when the parties have not made clear alliances before the elections, or if the election result did not produce an absolute majority in favour of either electoral alliance created before the elections. The German response to this problem favours the majority element over the ideological element. Instead of the view that the largest parliamentary party must necessarily rule, or that the conflict between the two largest parties absolutely excludes a post-electoral alliance, political parties consider it essential to try to institutionally create the majority required to govern. According to the German doctrine the necessity to have a working government at disposal is worth more than the party-oriented ideological considerations and positions. In the reality of the German parliamentary system, the German President proposes for a Chancellor a person who, based on a published written coalition agreement concluded in the previous procedure of forming the government, before the formal constitutionally prescribed due process, proves that he or she enjoys the confidence of an absolute majority of all the members of the Bundestag. In the UK, the constitutional puzzle of forming the government in the event that elections do not result in an absolute majority for a party in the House of Commons, is dealt with by a Constitutional convention. The current government is expected to resign if it becomes clear that it will not be able to secure the confidence of the House of Commons, and if there is a clear alternative. In Croatia, the President of the Republic gives the mandate to form the Government to the person who, upon the distribution of seats and consultations with parliamentary parties, enjoys the confidence of the majority of all the representatives. Giving the mandate to form the government without proof of consultations in previous proceedings (the list of signatures) provided to the head of a coalition that receives the most votes (a relative majority) would be unconstitutional.

Suprotstavljanje društveno neprihvatljivim postupanjima, poglavito činjenju korupcijskih kaznenih djela, u koje spada i davanje mita, važno je pitanje svakog uređenog pravnog poretka. Središnji dio te politike predstavlja kaznena politika. U ovom radu autor obrađuje kazneno zakonodavstvo Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske s obzirom na pitanje aktivnog podmićivanja kao jednog od temeljnih oblika koruptivnog ponašanja. Prikazujući poredbeno uređenje kaznenog sustava navedenih zemalja, autor će se osvrnuti na osnovne sličnosti i razlike pravnog uređenja pasivnog podmićivanja u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu u odnosu na domaći pravni sustav. ; Confronting socially unacceptable activities, especially corruptive criminal acts, including bribing, makes an important issue of every regulated legal system. The crucial part of such policies are the criminal polices. In this paper, the author deals with the criminal legislation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, related to the matters of active bribing as one of the basic forms of corruptive behaviour. While comparing the way the penal system is regulated in the said country, the author comments basic similarities and differences of the passive bribing legal regulation in the United Kingdom and the Republic of Croatia.

The author analyses the major changes to the political ideology & policy platform of the stateless nation's movement in Western European postindustrial states, taking the Scottish National Party as an special example. The analysis starts with the evolution of the Anglo-Scottish relations beginning from the creation of Union of English & Scottish kingdoms by the Act of Union in 1707. Author then presents the contemporary relationship between these two provinces of the United Kingdom. He stresses that since 1990s, the Scottish national movement have been pursuing the 'silent constitutional revolution' of this multinational community, which means using the most of globalization, the European integration process, & the so called devolution, to maximize the autonomy of Scotland within the United Kingdom. References. Adapted from the source document.

The text poses the question: Does GB need a "written" or an "unwritten" constitution? The main issues in the text are the participants in the constitutional debate, certain constitutional reform proposals, the tenor of the debate on a "British" constitution, & certain consequences ensuing from adopting a "written" constitution for one of the oldest world democracies. The author suggests that the circumstances & the motivational force of national identity in GB are not yet ready for the revolution of the written constitution. Adapted from the source document.

Tema ovog diplomskog rada je geopolitička strategija Saudijske Arabije u suvremenom svijetu. Bavi se utjecajem kojeg saudijsko kraljevstvo dobiva širenjem vehabizma te kakve posljedice to ostavlja na Bliski istok i ostatak svijeta. U radu će se analizirati savezništvo između Saudijske Arabije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država koje je u prošlosti bilo okarakterizirano kao "nafta u zamjenu za sigurnost". Budući da se smanjila ovisnost Sjedinjenih Američkih Država o nafti, promijenio se i odnos između te dvije države. Danas je taj odnos okarakteriziran kao "preklapanje interesa" , vidljivih u odnosu koje te dvije države imaju prema Iranu koji želi zauzeti dominantnu poziciju na Bliskom istoku. Uz analizu geopolitičkih odnosa Saudijske Arabije, Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Irana, u radu će se analizirati suvremeni saudijski utjecaj na ostale države Bliskog istoka. Na kraju rada istražit će se kakva je perspektiva saudijske države u budućnosti. ; This master thesis is about the geopolitical strategy of Saudi Arabia in contemporary world. It discusses the influence of Saudi kingdom through spreading of wahhabism and the impact which it has on both Middle East and the rest of the world. This thesis is going to analyze the alliance between Saudi Arabia and the United States, which in the past has been characterized as "oil in exchange for security". Since the dependence of the United States on oil has decreased, the relationship between the two countries has changed. Today, this relationship has been characterized as an "overlap of interests", visible in the relationship that these two countries have towards Iran, which wants to establish a dominant position in the Middle East. In addition to analyzing the geopolitical relations of Saudi Arabia, the United States of America and Iran, the paper will analyze contemporary Saudi influence on other countries in the Middle East. At the end of the thesis, the perspective of the Saudi state in the future will be explored.

This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.

The contrast in responses to Milosevic's aggression toward Bosnia & Saddam Hussein in Iraq under the Blair government in GB is instructive: discussed is the extent to which media coverage of the wars of Yugoslavia affected official policy toward, variously, Croatian secession & war, Bosnia, & Kosovo. Reviewed are several leftist analyses of Western reaction to the Yugoslav crises, among them N. Chomsky's A New Generation Draws the Line: Kosovo, East Timor and the Standards of the West (London: Verso, 2000), P. Hammon & E. S. Herman's Degraded Capability: the Media and the Kosovo Crisis (London: Pluto, 2000), & M. Parenti's To Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia (London: Verso, 2000). A. Siegel

Nakon nešto više od godine dana od referenduma na kojem je većina Britanaca izabrala izlazak Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva iz Europske unije, vrijeme je da se sagledaju uzroci, kratkoročne i moguće dugoročne ekonomske posljedice Brexita. Ishod referenduma stvorio je negativna očekivanja i povećao neizvjesnost. Stoga je gospodarski rast u UK-u već sada usporen, iako se odnos između UK-a i Unije još nije nimalo promijenio. Izlaskom iz Unije britansko bi se gospodarstvo, ovisno o rezultatima pregovora s EU-om, moglo do 2030. godine smanjiti za 2 do 8 posto. Na preostale članice Unije Brexit će imati različito djelovanje, a u prosjeku njihov bi BDP mogao pasti za 0,5 do 1,5 posto. Hrvatska bi, zbog niskog stupnja povezanosti s britanskim gospodarstvom, mogla ostati pošteđena značajnijeg nepovoljnog učinka Brexita. Usprkos tome, Brexit itekako zavređuje da ga pratimo s osobitom pozornošću i da iz toga događaja učimo o mogućim gospodarskim učincima neodgovorne i populističke politike. ; A little over a year after the referendum at which the majority of UK citizens voted to leave the EU, it is the right time to sum up the causes of Brexit, as well as its short-term and possible long-term economic consequences. The outturn of the referendum has created negative expectations and increased uncertainty. Therefore, the UK's growth rate has already started to decelerate even though the relationship between the UK and EU has not yet changed at all. Depending on the outcome of negotiations with the EU, leaving the Union might lead to a reduction of UK's GDP by 2 to 8 percent by 2030. The implications of Brexit on the remaining EU countries will differ—on average, their GDP might fall by 0.5 to 1.5 percent. Thanks to only minor economic connections with the UK, Croatia might avoid a significant negative effect of Brexit. Despite that, Brexit deserves to be carefully observed, since it provides us with the opportunity to learn from it about the possible economic effects of irresponsible and populist politics.

By means of a comparative analysis of the available data, we can divide intelligence organizations into three groups of models, provisionally called American, British, & (the former) Soviet. These models have at the same time served as a basis for building intelligence systems in other states. Unlike the other two systems, the co-called British model of intelligence organization includes the central organization that coordinates the operation of all the others. The British intelligence system is made up of independent services located within different ministries, whose activities are coordinated by the cabinet or its working bodies. 1 Diagram, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.