Ratificación del Acta Única Europea, 4, Italia, Luxembourg, Nederland, Portugal, United Kingdom
In: Ratificación del Acta Única Europea 4
In: Ratificación del Acta Única Europea 4
In: [Foreign Office], Brazil 1,1955
In: Cmd. 9480
In: [Great Britain. Foreign Office] Treaty series no. 103 (1969)
In: [Great Britain. Parliament. Papers by command] Cmnd. 4211
A representação política do território ultramarino nas Cortes metropolitanas transformou-se, nos debates constituintes vintistas, no mais importante símbolo da forma igualitária com que o novo regime político iria tratar as "antigas colónias". Os deputados "ultramarinos" estariam presentes nas Cortes, em Lisboa, para discutir os destinos de uma Nação pluri-continental. Neste artigo pretende-se mostrar, fundamentalmente, três coisas. Em primeiro lugar, que o conceito de Nação unitária pluricontinental era uma alternativa não somente ao antigo "sistema colonial" mas igualmente ao modelo federal, proposto, desde a segunda metade do século XVIII, por autores contrários à preservação dos Impérios. Em segundo lugar, que as tensões geradas por aquele conceito de Nação, que emergiram durante a discussão em torno da regulamentação da representação política, já tinham sido antecipadas pelo pensamento político da época, nomeadamente na obra de Jeremy Bentham. Finalmente, que o mesmo conceito serviu, durante o século XIX, como argumento para impedir a criação de assembleias legislativas coloniais em África e na Índia, contribuindo para a preservação formal de um modelo centralizador de relação com os territórios ultramarinos. ; The political representation of the overseas provinces in the Portuguese parliament became, during Portuguese first constitutional debates (1820-1822), the most important symbol of the equalitarian principle adopted by the liberal regime in what concerned the "ancient colonies". According to it, the overseas deputies would have a seat in Portuguese parliament, where they could debate the destinies of a pluricontinental Nation. In this article, I try to address three main topics regarding this discussion. In the first place, I state that the concept of a pluricontinental unitary nation was not only an alternative to the ancient "colonial system", but also an alternative to the "federal model" that was being proposed, from the second half of the eighteenth century on, by authors who criticized Imperial relationships. In the second place, I show how the tensions generated by that concept of Nation, tensions which emerged during the discussion on the regulation of the overseas political representation, had already been anticipated by the contemporary political thought, namely in the works of Jeremy Bentham. Finally, I will show that this same concept have served, during the whole nineteenth century, as an argument to reject the creation of colonial legislative assemblies in Portuguese Africa and India, contributing to the preservation of a formally centralized model of administering the Empire.
BASE
In: Relações internacionais: R:I, Heft 20
ISSN: 1645-9199
Tony Blair transformed radically the United Kingdom in different policy areas. However, the changes brought by Blair between 1997 & 2007 represent a deviation from social democratic values. This argument will be demonstrated with an analysis of New Labour's economic, social, constitutional foreign policies. Adapted from the source document.
In: Relações internacionais: R:I, Heft 39
ISSN: 1645-9199
This article aims to uncover part of Kenneth Waltz forgotten legacy. By asking why the Professor of Columbia University disregarded "democracy" as an important variable to understand relations among states it recovers a book from 1967 -- Foreign Policy and Democratic Politics: the American and British Experience -- where Waltz argues that there are more similarities than differences between liberal and autocratic states. Re-reading this book also allows bridging the gap between Waltz's most famous works (Man, the State and War and Theory of International Politics) contributing to the understanding of the academic path of one of the most brilliant scholars of the 20th century. Adapted from the source document.
In: Relações internacionais: R:I, Heft 15, S. 89-100
ISSN: 1645-9199
This article draws the balance of Tony Blair's decade in terms of foreign policy. Our focus will be cast on its fundamental guidelines, having in mind the domestic context in 1997 & some of the crucial international crisis that took place during Blair's premiership. In our opinion, the primacy of an ethical & moralistic approach to international affairs & the reversal of Labour's traditional attitudes towards the EU & the US were its main features. A special emphasis is also given to London's role in international affairs after the September 11 attacks, & we conclude by trying to anticipate Gordon Brown's foreign policy line. Adapted from the source document.
In: Dados: revista de ciências sociais, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 379-416
ISSN: 0011-5258
Esta pesquisa analisou o Brexit em uma perspectiva histórica, focando a conturbada relação entre a Europa continental e o Reino Unido ao longo do século XX, com ênfase no período pós Segunda Guerra Mundial. Foi utilizado o conceito de path dependency para argumentar sobre o papel de fatores históricos e decisões do passado, embora tomados em outras circunstâncias, ainda com força para influenciar o presente, para entender o Brexit. A premissa básica que será apresentada no ensaio é que o Reino Unido nunca participou de fato da ideia da Europa e sempre se viu como um país diferente por sua história e seu papel no mundo. Quando entrou, foi com uma perna só, a outra sempre ficou atrás, inclusive devido às especificidades de sua estrutura econômica herdada do passado, em particular no que diz respeito à agricultura. Desta forma, defende-se que, embora longe de ter sido inevitável, se tratou de um fenômeno limitado ao Reino Unido que tinha pouquíssima probabilidade de se repetir em outros países da União Europeia. ; This research analyzed Brexit in a historical perspective, focusing on the specific relation between continental Europe and the United Kingdom during the XX Century, with emphasis on the period after the Second World War. The concept of path dependency was used to explore the historical factors and decision taken in the past, which, although in different circumstances, still influence the present and are useful to understand the Brexit. The basic premises that will be presented is that the UK in fact never identified itself with the idea of Europe as developed by the Continental members. It always saw itself as a country with a different history and a different role in the world. When it got its membership, the country only entered with one leg, keeping the other always outside. This also reflects the different configuration of its economic structure, specifically with regard to agriculture. By this, although not at all inevitable, it will be defended that we are dealing with a very British phenomenon which had extremely little chance to be repeated by other countries of the European Union.
BASE
In: Relações internacionais: R:I, Heft 13, S. 139-156
ISSN: 1645-9199
Thanks to the recent disclosure of previously classified documents, made possible by the new British Freedom of Information Act, a new light has been cast over the role played by the UK in the events which led to the invasion of East Timor by Indonesia in December 1975. The British diplomatic papers offer us a clearer picture of the international background of what become one the most dramatic episodes of Portugal's decolonisation. The purpose of this article is to describe & comment the conduct followed by the Wilson government vis-a-vis the East Timor crisis of 1975/76, placing it in the context of Britain's historical, strategic, political, & economical involvement in South East Asia. Adapted from the source document.
In: Relações internacionais: R:I, Heft 14, S. 47-56
ISSN: 1645-9199
European societies have always been multicultural in the most basic sense of the term, which includes the concept of multinational societies. What is new for contemporary European societies is that they are now multicultural in a second sense, insofar as they are poly-ethnic societies. The article argues that it is not the place of the state to privilege certain ethnic groups over others, nor is it the place of the state to define ethnic groups in any manner distinct from how they define themselves. Thus, specific cultural distinctions can neither be manufactured nor ignored. Special attention is given to the British multicultural model, which seeks to maintain & balance the different political & cultural identities & needs of ethnic groups. References. R. Young
In: Politica & sociedade: revista de sociologia politica, Band 14, Heft 29, S. 151-176
ISSN: 1677-4140, 2175-7984
In: Política externa, Band 22, Heft 3
ISSN: 1518-6660