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The paper focuses on the peculiar status authors of miscellaneous compilations from Roman imperial times have. On the one hand, they seem to be mere collectors of pieces of knowledge written down by former scholars. On the other, however, they also highlight their own creative approach in the compilation process. This attitude becomes visible in the way they present their collections to their intended readers, most of the time in the introductory or conclusive remarks they provide. Our analysis will deal with these paratextual frameworks and compare the images the compilers used to describe their activities, so that our study will demonstrate how they understood their contributions and how they wanted them to be appreciated by their readers.

The recent debate in Germany about nuclear sharing confirmed the broad support among decision-makers for continued involvement in the political dimension of NATO's sharing arrangements, i. e., participation in the Alliance's nuclear consultative bodies. At the same time, German decision-makers hold divergent views on continued participation in the operational and technical aspects of nuclear sharing. Russia's arsenal of approximately 2,000 tactical nuclear weapons is of great concern to Germany and many in Berlin are worried that Russia is systematically expanding its nuclear arsenal. German decision-makers and the government support NATO's dual-track policy of deterring and engaging Russia. German policy-makers' arguments on the added military value of forward-deployed US nuclear weapons remain vague and there are few specific ideas about what type of arms control would be best suited to reduce the role and number of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe. There are four frameworks in which tactical nuclear weapons could be discussed with Russia, namely the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), other multilateral fora, the Russian — US bilateral dialogue on strategic stability, and the NATO — Russia Council. If Russia is serious about reducing the role and number of nuclear weapons in Europe, it should accept the reciprocity paradigm and drop some worn-out demands and positions that have little relevance for political debates around arms control in Berlin and elsewhere.

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