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Gernot Böhme proposes the concept of atmosphere as the basic concept of a new aesthetics without a point of departure in art. This article speculates on some possible urban implications of this concept. To start with, I present various ontological and epistemological aspects of the concept and specify some atmospheric dimensions of art and architecture. Then, I discuss Georg Simmel's concept of landscape, which seems to refuse the presence of atmosphere in the metropolis, as an overture to the next section on urban atmospheres. Urban atmospheres are multi-sensorial and demonstrate considerable variation from densely built inner-city areas to the modern spaces of urban sprawl. Mobility is a significant factor in relation to modern urban regions, the atmosphere of which might be thought of as a picturesque landscape for cyborgs. Urban communities may be of a primarily atmospheric kind. The historical city may have an atmosphere of age that can be sensed without much historical knowledge, and atmosphere may be the source of urban political struggle. Finally, I examine the atmospheres of the urban center and the urban region with a focus on Dag Østerberg's recent work on Oslo, arguing that atmospheric aspects of the socio-material action fields within the urban region may modify Østerberg's conclusions regarding the imaginary status of the center and the urban identity of the region. The pivotal argument of the article is that atmosphere is an important but overlooked dimension of both human relations in urban environments and the relationship between the human and the built environment. ; Gernot Böhme proposes the concept of atmosphere as the basic concept of a new aesthetics without a point of departure in art. This article speculates on some possible urban implications of this concept. To start with, I present various ontological and epistemological aspects of the concept and specify some atmospheric dimensions of art and architecture. Then, I discuss Georg Simmel's concept of landscape, which seems to refuse the presence of atmosphere in the metropolis, as an overture to the next section on urban atmospheres. Urban atmospheres are multi-sensorial and demonstrate considerable variation from densely built inner-city areas to the modern spaces of urban sprawl. Mobility is a significant factor in relation to modern urban regions, the atmosphere of which might be thought of as a picturesque landscape for cyborgs. Urban communities may be of a primarily atmospheric kind. The historical city may have an atmosphere of age that can be sensed without much historical knowledge, and atmosphere may be the source of urban political struggle. Finally, I examine the atmospheres of the urban center and the urban region with a focus on Dag Østerberg's recent work on Oslo, arguing that atmospheric aspects of the socio-material action fields within the urban region may modify Østerberg's conclusions regarding the imaginary status of the center and the urban identity of the region. The pivotal argument of the article is that atmosphere is an important but overlooked dimension of both human relations in urban environments and the relationship between the human and the built environment.

The phenomenon of urban blight dates back to the 19th century when industrialisation starting in Europe and North America initiated an uncontrolled urban growth in combination with strong demand in cheap an quickly constructed housing. Ghettoisation of mainly the working-class population and other "marginal groups" were the consequence together with a constant decay of single buildings, whole blocks and quarters. These general aspects of urban blight with its additional facettes or aspects residential, commercial, industrial, physical, functional and social blight can be presupposed and will not be topic of this paper. Nevertheless urban blight is by no means a topic of the past, it still today challenges apart from geographers a remarkable number of other disciplines (urban and landscape planners and designers, economists, sociologists, medical sciences, etc., not to forget politicians, the media, and last but not least the city dwellers themselves). While urban blight, urban decay, - decline, or - crisis originally seemed to be a problem of the big cities and metropolises it meanwhile also affects the small towns and centers. By the example of two Styrian small towns, Murau and Eisenerz, both counting less than 5.000 inhabitants each some of the many reasons for their being confronted with symptoms of urban blight will be addressed together with the up to now largely unsolved question which possible counter strategies could be successfully applied. One namely "urban redesign" has been chosen from a number of others mainly because it has been selected by the city of Eisenerz as a strategy against urban blight and to fight the dramatic population losses of 7867 citizens between 1951 (pop.: 12948) and 2010 (pop.: 5087). The crucial questions for the future to be discussed facing the present world wide monetary crisis will be: 1. Will there be enough money to finance the necessary rescue measures? 2. Who pays and bears the risks of a failure? 3. Is it worth while and justified to invest huge amounts of public money into a seemingly bottomless barrel or 4. borrowing an idea from the human hospice-movement: would it not be wiser, more human, and cost-efficient to spend much less money for those measures only that are needed to guarantee a patient (city) with little or uncertain perspectives for the future a survival in dignity. Knowing that the hospice movement was severely questioned in its initial phase although today it is widely accepted and respected the transformation of this idea into the urban sphere as one means to discuss the problem of urban decay and urban blight seems justified.

This thesis aims to analyze the notion of urban citizenship in istanbul and how it has been mapped onto the urban public spaces of the city. Urban public spaces and thus urban images of istanbul are constructed around ideas of civilization. in this thesis the relationship of city dwellers and urban public spaces is scrutinized through conceptualizing the notion of civilization in the context of globalization as an analytical tool which accounts for the governmentality of space. in this context a discourse of sociality constructed through parks gardens and green fields social facilities open-air gyms and museums formalizes and regulates the practices of urbanites and thus the notion of urban citizenship is defined through the sense of social belonging to the city. -- Abstract'tan. ; Bu tez, İstanbul'da kentli kavramını ve bu kavramın kentin kamusal mekanlarına nasıl haritalandığını analiz etmeyi amaçlıyor. İstanbul'un kent imajları ve kamusal mekanları uygarlaşma kavramının etrafında kurulur. Bu tezde, kent sakinleri ile kamusal mekanlar arasındaki ilişki, mekanın yönetimini de açıklayan uygarlaşma kavramının küreselleşme bağlamında analitik bir araç olarak kavramsallaştırılması yoluyla incelenir. Bu bağlamda, parklar, bahçeler ve yeşil alanlar, sosyal tesisler, açık spor alanları ve müzeler aracılığıyla kurulan sosyallik söylemi, kentlilerin pratiklerini şekillendirir ve düzenler. Böylece kentli kavramı da kentle kurulan sosyal aidiyet duygusuyla tanımlanır.

The essay discusses Danish urban politics and its present-day challenges in two partly separated sections: first, the intra-urban issues of social change, marginalisation and exclusion, and related problems; and secondly, inter-urban or regional development. Finally, the essay ends with a discussion of current trends in urban policy: are we on our way to more market domination and less state control? Urban policy is a quite broad topic, which cannot easily be defined. In this essay, urban policy is used more pragmatically. In general, it can be used in three different ways: as a policy directed towards steering and regulating cities and their internal conditions; as a sector policy targeted at specific urban phenomena, such as traffic policy, housing and planning policies; and as sector policies, such as financial or social policy with unintended urban effects. This essay will focus on the first, intended sort of urban policies, although others forms have had major impact on the shaping of urban conditions.

PART I: Uses, rules and conflicts about nature in urban wastelands -- Chapter 1. The urban wasteland, spatial expression of a transition of uses: cross-media contributions art, ecology and geography (Cieslik) -- Chapter 2. Recent developments in the legal framework of urban wastelands: to better take into account nature in the city (Chapouton) -- Chapter 3. Dwelling in urban wastelands: a disputed nature (Mattoug) -- Chapter 4. Between privatization and publicising, which place for nature in the frame of urban wastelands' reconversion? (Lotz) -- Chapter 5. Long-standing wastelands: transactions, publicising Vs privatising and green settings on two urban wastelands in Tirana and Istanbul (Dorso & Muci) -- PART II: Contaminated soils in urban wastelands -- Chapter 6. Ecological restoration of contaminated brownfield sites in urban areas: what perspectives in the context of European policies and national regulatory contexts? (Limasset) -- Chapter 7. Social representations of nature regarding (soil-)contaminated brownfields in France (Tendero) -- Chapter 8. Brownfield gardens and contaminated soils (Petit-Berghem) -- PART III: Urban wastelands and waterfronts -- Chapter 9. Wastelands at city-port interfaces: the search of water spaces to evade urban tumults (Mazy) -- Chapter 10. The requalification of urban riversides: environmental and social issues at stake (Carrière) -- Chapter 11. Becoming wastelands: the captation areas of the traditional water management system of Tamil Nadu (India) (Verdelli) -- PART IV: Wastelands in the urban green network -- Chapter 12. The conditions that make urban wastelands reservoirs of biodiversity for cities (Machon) -- Chapter 13. Vacant lots' urban landscape and legacies: which influence on plant communities? (Brun) -- Chapter 14. Generalised and temporary greening on deconstructed urban wastelands: an opportunity for biodiversity (Lemoine) -- Chapter 15. Approaches to develop urban wastelands as elements of green infrastructure including the perception and use by residents (Mathey) -- Chapter 16. How informal open spaces contribute to the metropolitan park system? The case of Brussels and its semi-naturals spaces (Vanbutsele).

In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird die Interpretation des im forstpolitikwissenschaftlichen Sprachgebrauch gängigen Begriffs "Urbane Waldbesitzer" aus Perspektive bayerischer Beratungsförster und nichtbäuerlicher Waldbesitzer beleuchtet. Die theoretische Basis liefern motivationspsychologische Modelle von Heckhausen (1989), Herzberg (1959) und Alderfer (1969). Für die Perspektivendiskussion werden die Ergebnisse der qualitativen Auswertungen einer schriftlichen Befragung unter 207 Beratungsförstern sowie narrativer Leitfadeninterviews herangezogen. Mit dem Begriff "Urbane Waldbesitzer" werden vorrangig Waldbesitzer charakterisiert, deren Motive von der Norm landwirtschaftlicher Waldbesitzer abweichen. Beim Begriff "Urbane Waldbesitzer" handelt es sich somit um ein Symbol für erlebte Veränderungen auf Grund des Strukturwandels in der Landwirtschaft. ; The study includes the interpretation of the term "Urban Forest Owners", evaluated on the basis of motivation-psychological models by Heckhausen (1989), Herzberg (1959) and Alderfer (1969). Therefore a qualitative questionnaire survey of 207 Bavarian governmental forest consultants and narrative interviews with non-agricultural forest owners are analysed. The results show that forest owners, that differ from the traditional norm expectations of the consultants are interpreted to be "Urban Forest Owners". Hence the term "Urban Forest Owners" can be interpreted to be a symbol of the effects of the structural change in agriculture.

In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird die Interpretation des im forstpolitikwissenschaftlichen Sprachgebrauch gängigen Begriffs "Urbane Waldbesitzer" aus Perspektive bayerischer Beratungsförster und nichtbäuerlicher Waldbesitzer beleuchtet. Die theoretische Basis liefern motivationspsychologische Modelle von Heckhausen (1989), Herzberg (1959) und Alderfer (1969). Für die Perspektivendiskussion werden die Ergebnisse der qualitativen Auswertungen einer schriftlichen Befragung unter 207 Beratungsförstern sowie narrativer Leitfadeninterviews herangezogen. Mit dem Begriff "Urbane Waldbesitzer" werden vorrangig Waldbesitzer charakterisiert, deren Motive von der Norm landwirtschaftlicher Waldbesitzer abweichen. Beim Begriff "Urbane Waldbesitzer" handelt es sich somit um ein Symbol für erlebte Veränderungen auf Grund des Strukturwandels in der Landwirtschaft. ; The study includes the interpretation of the term "Urban Forest Owners", evaluated on the basis of motivation-psychological models by Heckhausen (1989), Herzberg (1959) and Alderfer (1969). Therefore a qualitative questionnaire survey of 207 Bavarian governmental forest consultants and narrative interviews with non-agricultural forest owners are analysed. The results show that forest owners, that differ from the traditional norm expectations of the consultants are interpreted to be "Urban Forest Owners". Hence the term "Urban Forest Owners" can be interpreted to be a symbol of the effects of the structural change in agriculture.

Rethinking Urban Policy -- Copyright -- Preface -- Contents -- 1 Overview -- A FRAMEWORK FOR POLICY -- FLEXIBLE POLICIES FOR CHANGING CITIES -- The New Urban System -- Basic Concepts for Urban Economic Strategy -- Investing Private and Public Capital in the Urban Future -- Investing in the Future of the Urban Labor Force -- Stabilizing Metropolitan Economies -- Fostering Local Institutions to Manage the Transition -- RETHINKING URBAN POLICY -- 2 The Economy and Cities -- INTRODUCTION -- Concentration Amidst Decentralization -- Demography and Urban Change -- THE SHIFT TOWARD SERVICES -- Classifying Service Industries -- Nonprofit and Government Services -- The Growth of Producer Services -- Consumer Services -- BLUE-COLLAR CITIES, WHITE-COLLAR JOBS -- Increasing the Proportion of ''Knowledge'' Jobs -- Technology and the Future of Work -- Segmentation of the Labor Market -- Summary -- THE CONTINUING IMPORTANCE OF MANUFACTURING -- REGIONAL GROWTH AND DECLINE -- 3 The New Urban System -- A CLASSIFICATION OF URBAN AREAS BY FUNCTION -- COMMAND AND CONTROL CENTERS -- Diversified Service Centers -- National Centers -- Regional Centers -- Subregional Centers -- Transformation in the Diversified Service Centers -- Specialized Service Centers -- Functional Centers -- Other Specialized Service Centers -- SUBORDINATE CENTERS -- Consumer-Oriented Centers -- Production Centers -- IMPLICATIONS OF THE NEW URBAN SYSTEM -- 4 Basic Concepts for Urban Economic Strategy -- RECONCILING NATIONAL, URBAN, AND SECTORAL INTERESTS -- The Formation and Flow of Capital -- The Distribution of Economic Opportunity -- Economic and Social Stability -- Expansion of Local Economic Opportunity -- LINKAGES BETWEEN THE ECONOMIC MAINSTREAM AND THE PLACES AND PEOPLE LEFT BEHIND -- TRANSITIONAL AND LONG-TERM STRATEGIES -- Transitional Strategy -- Long-Term Strategy -- CONCLUSION.

"Although cities occupy only 2 percent of the planet's surface, their inhabitants use 75 percent of its natural resources; by 2050, 70 percent of the global population will live in cities and towns. Sustainable urban development is crucial, therefore, for ensuring the quality of life of the world's people. Forests and trees in cities, if properly managed, can make important contributions to the planning, design and management of sustainable, resilient urban landscapes. They can help make cities more pleasant, attractive and healthy places in which to live, as well as safer, wealthier and more diverse. A few years ago, FAO initiated a collaborative process to develop voluntary guidelines aimed at optimizing the contributions of forests and trees to sustainable urban development. Scientists, practitioners and public administrators from cities worldwide were brought together to discuss the elements and key challenges of urban forestry, and a smaller team of experts was assembled to distil this vast knowledge. This document is the ultimate result of that process. Intended for a global audience comprising urban decision-makers, civil servants, policy advisors and other stakeholders, it will assist in the development of urban and peri-urban forests that help meet the present and future needs of cities for forest products and ecosystem services. These guidelines will also help increase community awareness of the contributions that forests and trees can make to improving quality of life, and of their essential role in global sustainability."--Publisher's description

chapter 1 A Theory of the Urban Land Market William Alonso -- chapter 2 The Spatial Structure of the Housing Market Richard F. Muth -- chapter 3 The Journey-to-Work as a Determinant of Residential Location John F. Kain -- part II HUMAN ECOLOGY -- chapter 4 Human Ecology Robert E. Park -- chapter 5 Toward a More Human Human Ecology: An Urban Research Strategy Harvey L. Molotch -- chapter 6 Growth, Politics, and the Stratification of Places John R. Logan -- chapter 7 Men Without Property: The Tramp's Classification and Use of Urban Space lames S. Duncan -- part III CONFLICT AND INSTITUTIONAL CONSTRAINTS -- chapter 8 Local Interests and Urban Political Processes in Market Societies Kevin R. Cox -- chapter 9 Locational Conflict and the Politics of Consumption David Ley and John Mercer -- chapter 10 Urban Social Theory and Research Ray E. Pahl -- chapter 11 The Role of Institutions in the Inner London Housing Market: The Case of Islington Peter R. Williams -- chapter 12 Large Builders, Federal Housing Programmes and Postwar Suburbanization Barry Checkoway -- part IV MARXIST APPROACHES -- chapter 13 The Urban Process under Capitalism: A Framework for Analysis David Harvey -- chapter 14 Capital Accumulation and Urbanization in the United States Richard Child Hill -- chapter 15 Class-Monopoly Rent, Finance Capital and the Urban Revolution David Harvey -- chapter 16 Toward a Theory of Gentrification: A Back to the City Movement by Capital, not People Neil Smith.