Suchergebnisse

A Leinefelde nella ex-DDR è stata realizzata l'originale trasformazione di un quartiere costruito in "Plattenbau" (edifici residenziali in prefabbricazione pesante). L'articolo descrive e interpreta questa operazione dell'Arch. S. Forster all'interno del numero 132 di Lotus interamente dedicato a "Housing Differentiation". Nell'ottica delle potenzialità di trasformazione che l'architettura del dopoguerra possiede come caratteristica intrinseca, la trasformazione di Leinefelde si evidenzia per le sue implicazioni tipologiche e urbane, ma anche per quelle indirette di tipo sociale e politico: cristallizzare il passaggio dalla residenza come "bene sociale" nella ex-DDR a "bene individuale" nella nuova Germania riunificata. Attraverso un concetto molto radicale di sottrazione puntuale, da un edificio collettivo lineare di 118 m di lunghezza con 150 appartamenti vengono ottenute 8 ville urbane con circa 8 appartamenti ciascuno. Disegni interpretativi dell'autore descrivono questa trasformazione architettonica, dettata anche da un cambio di paradigma delle condizioni politiche e dei desideri degli abitanti rimasti a vivere nell'ex DDR. (Testo in italiano e in inglese)

During the different historical ages the city has been the scenario within which the consequences of the great economical, social and political issues have occurred. In this sense, the city of neoliberalism is the output of globalization, where multiple reflections can be traced to the different geographical scales: from the neighbourhood to the region. At the same time one of the elements of urban growth is "human capital" which is one way of understanding urbanism of the contemporary city. Leading from these considerations, the paper outlines, in a geographical perspective, some possible interpretations of the current urban phase.Aux différentes époques historiques, la ville représente le décor dans lequel se manifestent les conséquences des grandes transformations économiques, sociales et politiques. La ville du néolibéralisme apparaît en ce sens comme le produit concret de la globalisation dont les multiples reflets se retrouvent sur les cartes géographiques: du quartier à la région. En même temps, un des éléments de la croissance urbaine consiste dans le «capital humain» qui représente l'une des façons d'envisager l'urbanité de la ville contemporaine. A partir de ces suggestions, l'article trace, dans une optique géographique, quelques interprétations possibles (de l'actuel phase urbaine) de l'actuel développement urbain.

The urban environment has been facing multiple challenges, considering the social, political and economical forces which act within this realm. Indeed, various stakeholders have been debating over problems spread within the cites. The international community is aware about the needs to rethink the urbanisation model. Indeed, there is an high number of examples which show the necessity to bring new approaches, methods and processes in the cites' strategies and policies. In this paper we will briefly show experimentations, methods and solutions deployed according to the different realities. The digital revolution has a role in facing these challenges, since it is possible to exploit its new means in order to enhance the possible interaction between the urban actors. The service design method becomes fundamental for a different understanding of the urban reality where the technological aspect is intertwined with the social innovation aspect. This possibility gives the chance to investigate an innovative frontier allowing a new engagement and dialogue between public administrations and civil society. This leads to a different collaborative system among the various urban stakeholders, witch gives to citizens the opportunity to become active participants in the city's transformations and planning. UN-HABITAT is dealing with these digital challenges and is going to address them in the international conference Habitat III, which will be held in Quito in 2016. Various Urban Thinkers Campus (UTC) have been set up across the world as occasion to debate over the multiple experiences which will be enriching contribution during Habitat III. In this framework, the mission of the UTC in Palermo was to better understand the capacity of the combination of ICT and Service Design to reimagine cites, especially in less globalised contexts, debating the role of the key actors involved: urban communities, researchers, private businesses and local authorities.

The shift in cultural matrix distorted the historic city while Dhaka lost its topographical and hydrological character due to the increasing demand for transformation of land for urban uses. Instead of safeguarding, the politico-bureaucracy distorted and closed Dhaka's major public open spaces to erase the associated historical meanings and restricted access to urban space for the majority who struggle to survive along the poverty line. As the state of adventurer's capitalism marked by the impulse of acquisition through exploitation of political or bureaucratic opportunities degraded land into mere property accessible to a few; Dhaka failed to transform into a place of opportunity for all. Thus, Dhaka failed to address the issues of social integration and to create a visible structure of its cultural identity. Instead of clearing the confusions intrinsic of long foreign rules and reestablishing a cultural identity that belongs to the land and its people, the political parties preferred to exploit the distortions inflicted by separation of pragmatic and mythical space and continued use of religious symbols to their benefit. The broad objective of the thesis is to formulate guidelines and evaluation criteria for new projects so that they might help Dhaka to transform into a city that: i. concretizes shared values and understandings, ii. makes communal life possible and meaningful, and iii. is inclusive and creates opportunities for growth and prosperity for the common people

This paper examines some European cases referred to promotion of soft mobility as a new lifestyle aimed to improve benefits on environment and urban liveability. Soft mobility includes any non-motorized transport (human powered mobility). According to this, soft mobility refers to pedestrian, bicycle, roller skate and skateboard transfers. It could be indented as "zeroimpact" mobility too. As a matter of fact, the words to define this way of moving have not been codified yet, therefore mobilitè douce, soft mobility, slow traffic are synonymous in referring mainly to pedestrians and cyclists to indicate alternative to car use. Soft mobility, indeed, can be defined as a special form of sustainable mobility able to optimize urban liveability, by keeping the individual right to move. At present, cities are engaged in defining policies, procedures and interventions to further "slow traffic", both to relieve the traffic congestion, and to work for regeneration and environmental improvements. This asks for an in-depth cooperation between different political and administrative levels to achieve common objectives of development more attentive to environmental concerns. Despite this increasing attention, the idea of a "network" for soft mobility has not been yet achieved and the supply of integrated facilities and services as an alternative to the car use seems to be still difficult of accomplishment. High disparity characterizes European countries in promoting soft mobility: despite a prolific production of laws and roles referred to emergency of adopting alternative ways of moving to minimize negatives impacts (especially air and noise pollution as very threat to health) due to car dependence for urban short distance too. And yet, soft mobility could represent a real occasion of urban and territorial regeneration aimed to rehabilitate some disused paths and routes (greenways). Some successful European cases show how it is possible to capitalize territorial resources by promoting alternative way to visit them. Tourist and leisure activities, in fact, are probably the most suitable to improve a car-free lifestyle. Some pilot projects carried out in alpine regions, for instance, propose to integrate public transport supply with tourist demand of visiting different destinations. "Soft mobility" should be a different way of thinking about mobility and its impact on environment. This is what this article try to underline giving an overview of some European cases of public policies aimed at supporting soft mobility. ; This paper examines some European cases referred to promotion of soft mobility as a new lifestyle aimed to improve benefits on environment and urban liveability. Soft mobility includes any non-motorized transport (human powered mobility). According to this, soft mobility refers to pedestrian, bicycle, roller skate and skateboard transfers. It could be indented as "zeroimpact" mobility too. As a matter of fact, the words to define this way of moving have not been codified yet, therefore mobilitè douce, soft mobility, slow traffic are synonymous in referring mainly to pedestrians and cyclists to indicate alternative to car use. Soft mobility, indeed, can be defined as a special form of sustainable mobility able to optimize urban liveability, by keeping the individual right to move. At present, cities are engaged in defining policies, procedures and interventions to further "slow traffic", both to relieve the traffic congestion, and to work for regeneration and environmental improvements. This asks for an in-depth cooperation between different political and administrative levels to achieve common objectives of development more attentive to environmental concerns. Despite this increasing attention, the idea of a "network" for soft mobility has not been yet achieved and the supply of integrated facilities and services as an alternative to the car use seems to be still difficult of accomplishment. High disparity characterizes European countries in promoting soft mobility: despite a prolific production of laws and roles referred to emergency of adopting alternative ways of moving to minimize negatives impacts (especially air and noise pollution as very threat to health) due to car dependence for urban short distance too. And yet, soft mobility could represent a real occasion of urban and territorial regeneration aimed to rehabilitate some disused paths and routes (greenways). Some successful European cases show how it is possible to capitalize territorial resources by promoting alternative way to visit them. Tourist and leisure activities, in fact, are probably the most suitable to improve a car-free lifestyle. Some pilot projects carried out in alpine regions, for instance, propose to integrate public transport supply with tourist demand of visiting different destinations. "Soft mobility" should be a different way of thinking about mobility and its impact on environment. This is what this article try to underline giving an overview of some European cases of public policies aimed at supporting soft mobility.

This paper examines some European cases referred to promotion of soft mobility as a new lifestyle aimed to improve benefits on environment and urban liveability. Soft mobility includes any non-motorized transport (human powered mobility). According to this, soft mobility refers to pedestrian, bicycle, roller skate and skateboard transfers. It could be indented as "zeroimpact" mobility too. As a matter of fact, the words to define this way of moving have not been codified yet, therefore mobilitè douce, soft mobility, slow traffic are synonymous in referring mainly to pedestrians and cyclists to indicate alternative to car use. Soft mobility, indeed, can be defined as a special form of sustainable mobility able to optimize urban liveability, by keeping the individual right to move. At present, cities are engaged in defining policies, procedures and interventions to further "slow traffic", both to relieve the traffic congestion, and to work for regeneration and environmental improvements. This asks for an in-depth cooperation between different political and administrative levels to achieve common objectives of development more attentive to environmental concerns. Despite this increasing attention, the idea of a "network" for soft mobility has not been yet achieved and the supply of integrated facilities and services as an alternative to the car use seems to be still difficult of accomplishment. High disparity characterizes European countries in promoting soft mobility: despite a prolific production of laws and roles referred to emergency of adopting alternative ways of moving to minimize negatives impacts (especially air and noise pollution as very threat to health) due to car dependence for urban short distance too. And yet, soft mobility could represent a real occasion of urban and territorial regeneration aimed to rehabilitate some disused paths and routes (greenways). Some successful European cases show how it is possible to capitalize territorial resources by promoting alternative way to visit them. Tourist and leisure activities, in fact, are probably the most suitable to improve a car-free lifestyle. Some pilot projects carried out in alpine regions, for instance, propose to integrate public transport supply with tourist demand of visiting different destinations. "Soft mobility" should be a different way of thinking about mobility and its impact on environment. This is what this article try to underline giving an overview of some European cases of public policies aimed at supporting soft mobility. ; This paper examines some European cases referred to promotion of soft mobility as a new lifestyle aimed to improve benefits on environment and urban liveability. Soft mobility includes any non-motorized transport (human powered mobility). According to this, soft mobility refers to pedestrian, bicycle, roller skate and skateboard transfers. It could be indented as "zeroimpact" mobility too. As a matter of fact, the words to define this way of moving have not been codified yet, therefore mobilitè douce, soft mobility, slow traffic are synonymous in referring mainly to pedestrians and cyclists to indicate alternative to car use. Soft mobility, indeed, can be defined as a special form of sustainable mobility able to optimize urban liveability, by keeping the individual right to move. At present, cities are engaged in defining policies, procedures and interventions to further "slow traffic", both to relieve the traffic congestion, and to work for regeneration and environmental improvements. This asks for an in-depth cooperation between different political and administrative levels to achieve common objectives of development more attentive to environmental concerns. Despite this increasing attention, the idea of a "network" for soft mobility has not been yet achieved and the supply of integrated facilities and services as an alternative to the car use seems to be still difficult of accomplishment. High disparity characterizes European countries in promoting soft mobility: despite a prolific production of laws and roles referred to emergency of adopting alternative ways of moving to minimize negatives impacts (especially air and noise pollution as very threat to health) due to car dependence for urban short distance too. And yet, soft mobility could represent a real occasion of urban and territorial regeneration aimed to rehabilitate some disused paths and routes (greenways). Some successful European cases show how it is possible to capitalize territorial resources by promoting alternative way to visit them. Tourist and leisure activities, in fact, are probably the most suitable to improve a car-free lifestyle. Some pilot projects carried out in alpine regions, for instance, propose to integrate public transport supply with tourist demand of visiting different destinations. "Soft mobility" should be a different way of thinking about mobility and its impact on environment. This is what this article try to underline giving an overview of some European cases of public policies aimed at supporting soft mobility.

Il terzo World Urban Forum organizzato dalle Nazioni Unite a Vancouver è stato -come spesso succede agli incontri internazionaliun ambiguo confronto di riti e proteste di governi e movimenti. La rapida urbanizzazione delle megalopoli del sud del mondo allarma, almeno nei documenti, i governi e gli organismi internazionali. Ma più del dato quantitativo, sono i nuovi elementi della crisi urbana a confondere il quadro delle certezze acquisite. I problemi delle città non sono infatti patrimonio in esclusiva delle 'povere, grandi città del sud; e tanto meno le soluzioni si trovano nei modi di crescita delle ricche città del Nord. Al contrario, queste vedono crescere le rivolte, la povertà, l'insicurezza, l'emergenza abitativa. Ma questo crocevia di questioni pare ignorato dal ricettario corrente, che insiste sulla dubbia competizione tra città, ed elogia un'astratta classe creativa. Mentre almeno dal terzo mondo si potrebbero imparare approcci innovative e politiche più incisive.

More than fifteen years after the introduction of direct election, the mayors are still the most popular politicians in Italy. The personal relationship set up with the citizens and the strengthening of the city councils has restored energy and stability to the action of the municipal administrations. Nevertheless, these institutional reforms, while important, have failed to guarantee good government. The effects of the mayoral reform are, in fact, considerably different from one city to another, and from one type of policy to another. What does this variety of results derive from? The book provides an answer to this question through an investigation of the decisional processes of around a hundred "local collective assets" in six large metropolitan cities. To explain the different outcomes – in addition to the "council effect", that is, the relevance of policy, and the "sector effect", the relevance of the different decisional milieus – the authors also underscore the role of the "governance effect", namely the different approaches to decision-making and building consensus on urban policies.