Suchergebnisse

International audience ; This article introduces the concept of popular urbanization to describe a specific urbanization process based on collective initiatives, self‐organization and the activities of inhabitants. We understand popular urbanization as an urban strategy through which an urban territory is produced, transformed and appropriated by the people. This concept results from a theoretically guided and empirically grounded comparison of Mexico City, Istanbul and Lagos. Based on postcolonial critiques of urban theory and on the epistemologies of planetary urbanization, we bring urbanization processes in these urban regions into conversation with each other through a multidimensional theoretical framework inspired by Henri Lefebvre focusing on material interaction, territorial regulation, and everyday experience. In this way, popular urbanization emerged as a distinct urbanization process, which we identified in all three contexts. While this process is often subsumed under the broader concept of 'urban informality', we suggest that it may be helpful to distinguish popular urbanization as primarily led by the people, while commodification and state agencies play minor roles. As popular urbanization unfolds in diverse ways dependent upon the wider urban context, specific political constellations and actions, it results in a variety of spatial outcomes and temporal trajectories. This is therefore a revisable and open concept. In proposing the concept of popular urbanization for further examination, we seek to contribute to the collective development of a decentered vocabulary of urbanization.

International audience ; This article introduces the concept of popular urbanization to describe a specific urbanization process based on collective initiatives, self‐organization and the activities of inhabitants. We understand popular urbanization as an urban strategy through which an urban territory is produced, transformed and appropriated by the people. This concept results from a theoretically guided and empirically grounded comparison of Mexico City, Istanbul and Lagos. Based on postcolonial critiques of urban theory and on the epistemologies of planetary urbanization, we bring urbanization processes in these urban regions into conversation with each other through a multidimensional theoretical framework inspired by Henri Lefebvre focusing on material interaction, territorial regulation, and everyday experience. In this way, popular urbanization emerged as a distinct urbanization process, which we identified in all three contexts. While this process is often subsumed under the broader concept of 'urban informality', we suggest that it may be helpful to distinguish popular urbanization as primarily led by the people, while commodification and state agencies play minor roles. As popular urbanization unfolds in diverse ways dependent upon the wider urban context, specific political constellations and actions, it results in a variety of spatial outcomes and temporal trajectories. This is therefore a revisable and open concept. In proposing the concept of popular urbanization for further examination, we seek to contribute to the collective development of a decentered vocabulary of urbanization.

The Mozambique urbanization review aimed at contributing to the country's policy and institutional reform agenda on how to harness the full potential of urbanization to promote economic growth and poverty reduction. The study carried out in-depth analyses of the urbanization process, uncovering how urbanization has been influenced by national, regional, and international factors. It identified and analyzed key policy and institutional constraints in increasing the economic benefits of urbanization, including economic, transport, land, and decentralization policies. The study concluded that faster urbanization could increase the pace of economic growth and poverty reduction, but this should not be achieved at the expenses of investments in rural development and agriculture. However, constraints in the creation of productive urban jobs, limited connectivity throughout the system of cities, and dysfunction urban land markets have undermined its economic outcomes. Based on the main findings, the study proposed an emerging national urban reform agenda to enhance the benefits from urbanization in Mozambique focused on: (i) strengthening rural-urban linkages, including reforms to local government finances, enhancing trade and commuting flows; (ii) making urban land systems more equitable and efficient; and (iii) deepening decentralization to provide a broader remit to municipalities for urban planning and domestic resource mobilization.

This Kenya urbanization review takes a deep look at Kenya's urbanization process. It provides initial policy options in several key areas including housing and basic services, land use and transport, planning, subnational finance, and local economic development. These are not the only areas of concern for Kenya's urban practitioners and policy makers. But they were identified as areas for more in-depth study during initial stakeholder consultations and as key priorities in consultations with government experts. It is hoped that the Review will serve to raise understanding of the important opportunity that urbanization presents for the country, informing policy makers and interested parties alike and expanding dialogue on Kenya's urbanization. The review is laid out in three parts. The first looks at some of the demographic, economic, and spatial trends of Kenya's urban areas (chapter one). The second describes the challenges or threats to a smooth urban transition: large, growing informality and inequality within and between urban areas, in three categories of access (chapters two, three, and four). The third examines the modern institutions needed to address the challenges head on and to ensure that Kenya's cities have the opportunity to serve as true drivers of economic growth (chapters five, six, and seven).

In all geographical departments of Greece there has been noticed a significant population change since 1920. Until 1928 the population of the country increased because of the compulsory exodus of the Greeks from Asia Minor which followed the great military defeat of 1922. The mo st important population increase was noticed in the Greater Athens Area during the period 1920-28. Also in Macedonia which has shown la considerable density rate there was an increase from 30.9 to 40.5 inhabitants per square kilometer while Thrace showed a greater increase from 24.1 to 34.8 inhabitants per square kilometer. ; peer-reviewed

The rapid urbanization in many developing countries over the past half century seems to have been accompanied by excessively high levels of concentration of the urban population in very large cities. Some degree of urban concentration may be desirable initially to reduce inter- and intraregional infrastructure expenditures. But in a mature system of cities, economic activity is more spread out. Standardized manufacturing production tends to be de-concentrated into smaller and medium-size metropolitan areas, whereas production in large metropolitan areas focuses on services, research and development, and non-standardized manufacturing. The costs of excessive concentration (traffic accidents, health costs from exposure to high levels of air and water pollution, and time lost to long commutes) stem from the large size of megacities and underdeveloped institutions and human resources for urban planning and management. Alleviating excessively high urban concentration requires investments in interregional transport and telecommunications to facilitate de-concentration of industry. It also requires fiscal de-concentration, so that interior cities can raise the fiscal resources and provide the services needed to compete with primate cities for industry and population.

The Malawi Urbanization Review aims to provide fresh perspectives on urbanization in Malawi, by analyzing the current and potential contribution of urbanization to long-term national development and the current institutional and financial capacity of local governments to manage the process. Analyses presented in this report are particularly timely as Malawi is planning for the coming half decade through the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS) III (2016-2020). Malawi is urbanizing at a moderate rate and has a good chance of proactively managing the urbanization process. Opportunities may arise from a positive structural change that Malawi's economy is undergoing, whereby the driver of growth and job creation moves from agriculture to non-agricultural sectors. Faster urbanization, with strong linkages with rural areas, can contribute further to deepening such structural change. To unlock the potential of urbanization as a catalyst for long-term economic development, it is necessary to strengthen the capacity of urban local governments to generate revenues and meet the key infrastructure and service needs in urban areas, which remain challenging even at the current rate of urbanization.

The objective of this report is to inform the government's policies and strategies on urbanization as a driver of economic development, job creation, and poverty reduction. Note 1 examines Rwanda's urbanization process since 2002 by analyzing satellite images and other sources. This note presents and analyses the core features and trends of Rwanda's urbanization process. In the first part, it lays out the overall trends in Rwanda's levels of urbanization and the primary trends in urban expansion of Rwanda's key cities, and presents central legal and institutional elements that influence and inform the dynamics of urbanization. Second, it analyses the characteristics and spatial economy of the urban system. Third, it provides an analysis of key characteristics of connectivity of the urban system, domestically and with perspectives to regional connectivity. Last, the note lays out a set of policy implications.

'Rural community building' is one of the most prominent policies of rural urbanization and village renovation in China. Since the nationwide implementation of this policy within the scope of the programme 'Building a new socialist countryside', the large-scale construction of new residential complexes has accelerated the transformation of the country's rural landscape. However, extensive demolition and relocation have drawn increasing criticism, and the policy has become synonymous with the seizure of rural land resources by local governments. When Xi Jinping came to power, the new leadership initially appeared to abandon the policy but has eventually revived it. This article studies the implementation and evolution of the rural community building policy as a case of policy learning. The analysis of national and local policy documents and implementation practices in four provinces highlights a new framing of the policy, more intensive hierarchical controls over rural land use, and the state's increasing reach into village governance, as well as new incentives for local governments to continue with demolition and relocation projects. These changes reveal a mode of policy learning in the context of an authoritarian regime whose goal is to improve policy implementation in the face of growing public criticism and social tension.

Urbanization is a serious problem for Indonesia. Jakarta is the epicenter of urbanization, which is the center of wealth, which sucks in the migration of people from villages that creates population density, social inequality, as well as congestion and flooding. President Joko Widodo seeks to stem urbanization as part of an Indonesia centric platform, while Minister of Finance Sri Mulyani seeks to spur urbanization for economic growth. This article aims to express criticism of urbanism, as well as offering ruralization, which moves back to rural, with agriculture as the backbone, as well as districts, villages, farmers, fishermen, and farmers as the main actors. This article does not work with geography, demography, or economics, but with political science, which uses interpretive methods and critical analysis. With this analysis, this study of ideas critically finds that urbanization has created Indonesia as an economically, socially, and politically complex urban society. This urbanization has given the wealth and splendor of the city but also presents a serious paradox: city decay (explosion into / implosion), and rural impoverishment (explosion out / explosion). A city-centric solution with a sustainable city recipe will only deal with urban decay but ignore rural impoverishment. The Indonesia-centric solution with rural and rural areas, with local emancipation, is a better answer for equality, justice, and prosperity. Jepara, the most prosperous district in Central Java, is an example of ruralization that goes beyond the project approach from above.

The work examines if urbanization which took place within Ikwerre land in Rivers State produced Ikwerre development. The work observed that urbanization did not only removed Ikwerre people from their land; their natural heritage, but also gave them proximity advantage which should have given them easy access or advantage to develop at least more than other ethnic groups in Rivers State. On the contrary, other ethnic groups appears to have had a better head start than Ikwerre people even when their land is still intact and that urbanization eroded thoroughly Ikwerre culture especially their language. Based on these, the work recommended a re-invention of Ikwerre culture for development and peaceful opposition to forceful acquisition of Ikwerre land by the government among others.

Social stratification or the widening of income gap between the rich and the poor becomes a serious predicament whenever Asian countries experience rapid urbanization and industrialization. The author explores the urbanization of Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC) and the vulnerable groups created by its processes, notably, a new urban poor sector comprised of spontaneous immigrant groups. Vulnerable groups, defined as "individuals or households who have unstable lives", account for the swelling urban population, high crime incidence and social unrest. A thorough study of these groups could positively transform government policies and the public mind-set toward them. Four conditions are described as vulnerability factors: 1) weak policies of the leading party and the government, 2)problems in the household, 3) risk and sudden changes, and 4) lack of social capital. To measure social poverty, the concep.s of vulnerability and vulnerable groups are introduced as a quid pro quo of the quantitative indicator poverty line (Pl). Urbanization, through the conversion of agricultural lands into industrial and commercial zones, alters the job structure of the rural sector. Rural farmers struggle to adjust to new social circumstances. Moreover, the poor are disenfranchised of their rights to affect the government's decision-making process. The phenomenon of "virtual urban planning" emerges, as huge urban projects remain unfulfilled because of social impediments.

Thepurpose thispaper is to provide a broad overview of the recent patternsand trends of urban growth, and to discuss the relationship between urbanization,economic and population growth and environment in Semarang City. Over the last20 years many urban areas have experienced dramatic growth, as a result of rapidpopulation growth and as the world's economy have been transformed by acombination of rapid technological and political change. Centralistic type ofdevelopment from New Era Government gives consequences in the formation ofmega urbanization. As a geographic phenomenon, urbanization is seen as acontinuumfrom community level until global level. In the cases of Semarang, thereis much more than a doubling. Net migration in many cases contributes as muchas two thirds of the population growth in these zones, whereas in the city cores, netmigration contributes little to growth. The main factor which is influencingurbanization process in Semarang is the growth of service sector, especiallyinformal activities. A comprehensive model suggests that urbanization in Semarangis influenced by structural and social demographic factors. So, the balancebetween managing urban discharges to environment and enhancing environmentalresource capacity is key determinant of the sustainability of the development inSemarang and livabilitY in general

Urban governance on the basis of human rights can help to set up problem solving mechanisms to guarantee social peace, economic growth and political participation.If states both integrate more in international or regional human rights regime and give more autonomy to urban governments and local authorities, many of these issues of urbanization can be solved. Where people organize themselves on local levels and in neighborhood initiatives, new forms of governance mechanisms evolve. These mechanisms include a wide range of human rights, principles and standards such as equal participation, ethnic and religious tolerance, gender equity, health and education initiatives, access to food supplies, property rights, access to information through the internet and even sexual and reproductive rights. The ability to freely communicate and participate will lead to more transparency, accountability, adaptiveness, integration and equity.

International audience ; To recall, subaltern urbanisation refers to the autonomous growth of settlement agglomerations—large clusters of people living in close proximity (which may or may not be classified as urban by the Census of India or the relevant state government)—that are generated by market and historical forces, and which are not dependent on large, traditionally important settlements or planned cities like Chandigarh and Bhubaneswar, or industrial townships like Mithapur or Bokaro. The attempt is to investigate the growth of settlements beyond that driven by the economics of large agglomerations as advanced by new economic geography, or directly orchestrated by the state or private corporate enterprise. The object is to focus on the autonomy of the settlement, not in the sense of autarchy, but in the ability to affect its growth process and interact autonomously with other settlements, whether local or global. In essence, therefore, subaltern urbanisation is about vibrant smaller settlements—spaces outside the metropolitan shadow—sustainably supporting a dispersed pattern of urbanisation. Concomitantly, subaltern urbanisation refers to an unseen, and often unspoken, process of myriad form, effected by local actors, far from the major metropolitan areas and outside urban schemes.