Assessing the performance of a participatory governance transformation in small-scale fisheries: A case study from Uruguay
In: Marine policy, Band 160, S. 105964
ISSN: 0308-597X
In: Marine policy, Band 160, S. 105964
ISSN: 0308-597X
In: Environmental science & policy, Band 154, S. 103699
ISSN: 1462-9011
In: IdeAs: Idées d'Amériques, Heft 23
ISSN: 1950-5701
In: IdeAs: Idées d'Amériques, Heft 23
ISSN: 1950-5701
In: IdeAs: Idées d'Amériques, Heft 23
ISSN: 1950-5701
In: IdeAs: Idées d'Amériques, Heft 23
ISSN: 1950-5701
In: Migraciones internacionales, Band 15, S. 0
ISSN: 2594-0279
En este artículo se cuestiona laevolucióndel grado de integración regionalen lo referente al tema migratoriocon el fin dereflexionar en torno al nivel deconsolidación de la gobernanza regional migratoria (GRM) en Argentina y Uruguay–Estadospartesdel Acuerdo sobreResidencia del Mercosur (ARM)–,y en Colombia y Perú –países asociados delmismo Acuerdo–, en un contexto dealtoflujo migratorio de ciudadanos venezolanospor esta subregiónsuramericana.Lametodologíautilizadacombina las perspectivascualitativa y cuantitativa. Se demuestraque en Argentina y Uruguay se aplicóel ARMenconvergencia hacia una GRMcon instituciones regionales fuertes y unaregulación migratoria alineada con el ARM; sin embargo, en Colombia y Perú no se aplicóel acuerdo, pero se asumieron instrumentos jurídicosad hoccon unaconvergencia débil hacia una GRMyse subraya la urgencia de aplicar una gobernanza de la migración regional.
In the 21st century, water has become more important in the world. The book "Water Geopolitics and Heartland Blue" seeks to answer some doubts that have arisen about how this vital element will be addressed by states that, in one way or another, share surface, underground and even frozen water basins. For this purpose, two specific cases were selected, the Guaraní Aquifer and Patagonia, which within the southern cone of America correspond to two of the largest reserves that currently exist and for this, the author seeks to analyze the actions of the countries involved. in them: Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay in the Guaraní Aquifer; Chile and Argentina in Patagonia, between the years 1990-2012.
In: ENCATC advances in cultural management and policy
"This book uncovers the processes at play in the development of cultural policies, projects and networks in spaces at the edge of their countries, marked by their proximity with a borderline. On a subject which is studied mainly in North America and Western Europe and based on individual case studies, its originality lies in offering a comparative view on the subject, as well as in comparing a European case - the France-Germany borderlands - to a South American case - the Brazil-Uruguay borderlands. Through a multi-sited ethnographic study, it develops an analysis of the formal and informal processes and networks which sustain this cultural action, looking at the relative contribution of processes led by institutions, cultural agents and the civil society. Providing theoretical tools for the analysis of the way cultural ecosystems function in borderlands, this book is valuable reading for scholars of cultural policy, geography and arts management"--
In: Comparative politics, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 321-343
ISSN: 2151-6227
Bolivia prohibits discrimination based on gender identity and passed a ground-breaking gender identity law. These laws had little support among voters and passed along with heteronormative measures. Why did activists succeed in proposing and passing legislation that most voters did
not support? Why were Bolivia's advances in LGBTQ+ rights accompanied by heteronormative laws? We argue that parties with deep ties to social movements are more likely to advance legislation that expands LGBTQ+ rights than other parties and that contradictory laws emerge where
both organized religion and LGBTQ+ activists are party constituents. We describe how Bolivian trans activists leveraged their access to ruling party legislators, using interviews with activists and officials, and briefly discuss the cases of Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Uruguay, Paraguay,
and Colombia.
In: Latin American politics and society, S. 1-21
ISSN: 1548-2456
Abstract
Generalizability of extant findings about media treatment of women in politics is uncertain because most research examines candidates for the legislature or heads of government, and little work moves beyond Anglo-American countries. We examine six presidential cabinets in Costa Rica, Uruguay, and the United States, which provide differing levels of women's incorporation into government. These cases permit us to test hypotheses arguing that differences in media treatment of men and women cabinet ministers will decrease as women's inclusion in government expands, and that media treatment of women is more critical when women head departments associated with masculine gender stereotypes. Results show that greater incorporation of women into government is associated with fewer gendered differences in media coverage, tone of minister coverage is more favorable for women who hold masculine stereotyped portfolios, and that the media does present qualifications of women cabinet ministers.
South and the soul / Gustavo Barcellos -- Cordial racism : race as a cultural complex / Walter Boechat -- Non ducor, duco, I am not led, I lead / Denise G. Ramos -- São Paulo and the cultural complexes of the city : seeing through graffiti / Liliana Liviano Wahba -- The cultural skin in Latin America / Brian Feldman -- At the far end of the world : exploring the Chilean cultural isolation complex / Claudia Beas and Javiera Sánchez -- In the shadow of the Virgin Mary / María Claudia Munévar -- The right to exist : Mexico's spiritual colonization / Jacqueline Gerson -- The broken bridge : exploring the mythic core of Mexican cultural complexes / Claude Juvin and Rocío Ruiz -- The official story of Uruguay : cultural complexes in what was and was not included / Pilar Amezaga and Pablo Gelsi -- The gringo complex / Áxel Capriles M. -- Latin America : a region split by its cultural complexes / Eduardo Carvallo -- Venezuela : cultural complexes in contemporary context / Margarita Méndez.
In: Politics and governance, Band 12
ISSN: 2183-2463
Despite the extensive spread of external voting across the world, exceptions remain as some countries have not passed such regulations (e.g., Uruguay) or have passed them but lag implementation (e.g., Nicaragua). Others still took a long time to join the trend, possibly presenting a pushback to the commonly accepted notion of norm diffusion to explain migrant enfranchisement. We examine a latecomer by asking why Chile took so long to enfranchise emigrants. Classified as a liberal democracy with a century of legal history of foreign-resident voting, it repeatedly rejected proposed bills on external voting since 1971. Chile enacted external voting only in 2014, regulated it in 2016, and applied it in 2017. Through legal historical content analysis, we identify which political actors proposed the bills, when, and why each failed. Left and right-leaning actors gave normative, legal, and procedural reasons that resulted in rejection and stagnation at various institutional stages. This latecomer's constitutional tradition, strongly focused on territory and territorial links, potentially sheds light on dozens of other country cases of late adoption of the external franchise.
In: Fascism and the Far Right
"The Right in the Americas discusses the origins, development and current state of conservative and right-wing movements in ten countries in the Americas. The growth of the right is one of the most important issues of the moment in global politics. Within the context of democracy erosion, rejection of traditional politics and economic uncertainty, right and extreme-right actors are capable of offering misguided answers and hope to a significant part of a country's population, who will trust their promises and bring them to power with their vote. This dynamic has repeated itself in an astonishingly consistent pattern across the Americas. This book analyses eight Latin American countries - Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Honduras, Mexico, Uruguay and Venezuela, along with Canada and the United States, two G7 countries. It demonstrates that conservatism is in fact a Hemispheric phenomenon, promoted and invigorated by the regional hegemon-the United States of America-both as government and civil society. Beyond this regional scope, the peculiarities of each case study are explored in detail, providing solid historical background, while at the same time uncovering their commonalities and cross-pollination. This study will be of great interest to scholars of conservatism, right-wing politics, comparative politics, North American, and Latin American politics"--
In: Journal of economics, race, and policy
ISSN: 2520-842X
AbstractSome evidence suggests that there are significant gender gaps in early child development in low- and middle-income countries, with girls generally outperforming boys. However, few studies have tested for the existence of such gaps at a large scale. Our objective is to examine gender disparities in early child development in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, India, Indonesia, Nicaragua, Peru, Senegal, and Uruguay, with 26,055 children aged 7 to 48 months. We estimate gaps using cross-sectional studies with language, socioemotional, and motor skills development assessments. Consistent with small-sample findings, the data shows girls consistently outperformed boys on language tests (0.14 standard deviations) and socioemotional development (0.17 standard deviations), with differences consistent across all nine countries. There were no systematic differences by gender for motor development. We explored how family characteristics, health investments, or parent–child interactions influenced the gap. We did not find evidence that variation on these characteristics across children explained the gap. Our findings suggest that gender gaps in language and socioemotional development emerge very early in life.