ELITE PRACTICES THAT VALORIZED PILLAGE, MASSIFIED SOCIETY, BANALIZED VIOLENCE AND SOBELIZED THE ARMY ARE CENTRAL TO UNDERSTANDING THE TRAGEDY OF SUBALTERN TERROR IN SIERRA LEONE. THIS ARTICLE SITUATES THE TRANSFORMATION OF PRAETORIAN VIOLENCE FROM A TOOL OF POLITICAL DOMINATION TO A MEANS OF CRIMINAL EXPROPRIATION IN THE ENGENDERING CONTEXT OF ELITE PARASITISM AND REPRESSION.
This study centers on the relation between militaries, violence, and publicly available digital images. Military websites can be characterized as forms of representation of national institutions comparable to the sites of any large organization. However, the way these websites publicly frame and explain the military's use of organized violence has not been investigated. Accordingly, this study examines how contemporary militaries manage their public and online relation to their core expertise, organized violence. The analysis is based on a longitudinal analysis of the Israeli Defense Force's (IDF) official websites (2007–2015) and interviews with key webmasters. The integration of the Internet and new media into the IDF's official websites highlights its deliberate move into the cybernetic realm to manage, order, manipulate, and handle its public images and representations as a legitimate social institution charged with using violence in the defense of the country.
Recent research has revealed that a significant number of children joined the streets in Rift Valley Province in Kenya after the brutal violence that followed the 2007 elections in Kenya, many of whom still remain on the streets. These IDP children identified a number of factors that led them to join the streets: separation from their family caused by displacement; death or injury of family members; withdrawal of humanitarian aid; food insecurity due to loss of livelihoods or inability to rebuild livelihoods due to rushed resettlement programmes. The single biggest reason that children join the streets is food insecurity (59%). Adapted from the source document.
The Georgian civil war may be at an end since Russia recognized Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states, even though no other country has followed suit except Nicaragua. Whether or not the current cessation of violence leads to peace depends on how these 'new' countries are treated by the international community. Peace in the region will require a radical shift in foreign aid policies, specifically an end to all assistance to the separatists, negotiations with Moscow to pick up the slack, and Russian compensation made to the nearly half-million Georgian 'refugees' for their lost property. Adapted from the source document.
AbstractPreserving Northern Ireland's peace process in the midst of a war against international terrorism has presented the British government with a series of dilemmas at the level of political rhetoric, policy-making and legislation. The peace process demands adherence to human rights standards to provide a foundation for the new political dispensation, while an implication of the necessity for a war against terrorism is that restrictions on liberty are justifiable in the name of security against the backdrop of the existence of an emergency. These conflicting conceptions for addressing political violence at the national and international level are addressed.
El concepto de radicalización violenta está continuamente en revisión. Uno de los aspectos en discusión es la relevancia que tiene cada uno de los términos que lo componen: radicalización y violencia. Este trabajo bascula hacia el segundo término, intentando una aproximación al riesgo/vulnerabilidad a la radicalización violenta de los jóvenes desde la disposición de éstos a la violencia. El objetivo principal es explorar una tipología y una escala de jóvenes vulnerables a procesos de radicalización tomando como punto de partida la disposición de la juventud a la violencia. El interés de este ejercicio es segmentar el fenómeno de la radicalización violenta con objeto de diseñar políticas de prevención de la radicalización más efectivas. El colectivo estudiado es la población joven por ser el grupo de edad más vulnerable a los procesos de radicalización y sobre el que los efectos de las políticas pueden ser más eficaces y duraderos. Este colectivo y su predisposición a la violenta se estudia a partir de una encuesta on-line europea. Para la construcción de la tipología se utiliza el análisis de componentes principales y a partir de los tipos resultantes se diseña una escala de riesgo/vulnerabilidad a la radicalización violenta. Por último, se ilustra su utilidad con la sub-muestra de jóvenes españoles. La tipología y la escala de riesgo de radicalización o desarrollo de comportamientos violentos propuesta permite cambiar el punto de partida de las políticas de prevención de la radicalización violenta de la juventud y pasar el acento desde las ideologías políticas, religiosas y político-religiosas a las acciones, así proponer medidas y acciones de políticas que permitan enfocar el fenómeno de una manera diferente y holística. Se trata de un trabajo con un enfoque práctico y empírico que avanza en la clasificación de los jóvenes en riesgo o vulnerables a la radicalización violenta, además de proponer acciones y medidas de respuesta. ; The concept of violent radicalisation is continually under review. One of the aspects under discussion is the relevance of each of its component terms: radicalisation and violence. This paper tilts towards the second term, attempting an approach to the risk/vulnerability to violent radicalisation of young people based on their disposition to violence. The main objective is to explore a typology and a scale of young people vulnerable to radicalisation processes taking as a starting point the youth's disposition to violence. The interest of this exercise is to segment the phenomenon of violent radicalisation in order to design more effective radicalisation prevention policies. The group studied is the young population, as it is the age group most vulnerable to radicalisation processes and the one on which the effects of policies can be most effective and long lasting. This group and its predisposition to violence is studied on the basis of a European on-line survey. Principal component analysis is used to construct the typology and a scale of risk/vulnerability to violent radicalisation is designed on the basis of the resulting types. Finally, its usefulness is illustrated with the sub-sample of young Spaniards. The proposed typology and scale of risk of radicalisation or development of violent behaviour allows us to change the starting point of policies to prevent the violent radicalisation of young people and to shift the emphasis from political, religious and politico-religious ideologies to actions, thus proposing policy measures and actions that allow us to approach the phenomenon in a different and holistic way. It is a work with a practical and empirical approach that advances in the classification of young people at risk or vulnerable to violent radicalisation, as well as proposing actions and response measures.
1. Introduction -- 2. Forced Disappearances of Persons in Mexico: Drugs, Social Control and Regimes of Violence -- 3. Forced Internal Migration in Mexico: Displacement, Stigmatization and Expectations in Chichihualco, Guerrero -- 4. Systemic Gender Violence in Mexico: Normalization, Silencing and the Colonization of Bodies-Territories -- 5. Conclusions. State Violence: Archives, Bodies, Territories.
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Victim status and gender Development and implementation of victim assistance in Switzerland In Switzerland, the Victim of Crime Act (VCA; Opferhilfegesetz, OHG), in place since 1993, guarantees free legal, medical, psychological and social counselling, as well as some financial compensation for victims of violence. Although female and male persons are affected by violence to a comparable extent, male victims of violence are clearly underrepresented in victim support. How can this difference be explained? Do experiences of violence make women victims and not men? The author explores these questions. She reconstructs the emergence and implementation of state victim assistance in Switzerland from 1978-‐2011, working out how victim status is created in a process of social negotiation and what gender-‐ cultural practices are involved. The study offers broad insights into the nationwide political and media discourse surrounding the creation and design of the VCA as well as comparative case analyses of the implementation of the VCA in the cantons of Basel-‐Stadt/Basel-‐Landschaft and Bern.
There were two, not one, amnesty laws passed in relation to the 6 October 1976 massacre at Thammasat University and coup in Thailand. The first amnesty law, passed on 24 December 1976, legalized the coup and prevented those who created the conditions for the coup and seized power on the evening of 6 October from being held to account. The second amnesty law, passed on 16 September 1978, freed eighteen student activists still undergoing criminal prosecution and dismissed the charges against them. Although neither amnesty mentioned the massacre, the urgency of producing and then safeguarding impunity for the state and para-state actors behind the violence at Thammasat was the absent presence in both laws. Combining a close reading of both laws with examination of archival documents about the drafting of the first amnesty law and court and other records related to the second, this article uncovers the hidden transcripts of both amnesty laws as a point of departure for examining questions about impunity, law, and history. First, what are the legal mechanics through which violent actors escape accountability? Second, what are the legal and political functions of amnesty when no crime has been committed? Third and finally, might accountability for past violence be possible, and if so, under what conditions? The answers to these questions illuminate how impunity was produced in the specific case of the 6 October 1976 massacre in Thailand as well as address broader concerns about impunity's role in state formation. ; The research for this essay was supported under the Australian Research Council's Discovery Early Career Researcher Award funding scheme [project number DE120101838].
There were two, not one, amnesty laws passed in relation to the 6 October 1976 massacre at Thammasat University and coup in Thailand. The first amnesty law, passed on 24 December 1976, legalized the coup and prevented those who created the conditions for the coup and seized power on the evening of 6 October from being held to account. The second amnesty law, passed on 16 September 1978, freed eighteen student activists still undergoing criminal prosecution and dismissed the charges against them. Although neither amnesty mentioned the massacre, the urgency of producing and then safeguarding impunity for the state and para-state actors behind the violence at Thammasat was the absent presence in both laws. Combining a close reading of both laws with examination of archival documents about the drafting of the first amnesty law and court and other records related to the second, this article uncovers the hidden transcripts of both amnesty laws as a point of departure for examining questions about impunity, law, and history. First, what are the legal mechanics through which violent actors escape accountability? Second, what are the legal and political functions of amnesty when no crime has been committed? Third and finally, might accountability for past violence be possible, and if so, under what conditions? The answers to these questions illuminate how impunity was produced in the specific case of the 6 October 1976 massacre in Thailand as well as address broader concerns about impunity's role in state formation. ; The research for this essay was supported under the Australian Research Council's Discovery Early Career Researcher Award funding scheme [project number DE120101838].
