Suchergebnisse

In this master thesis, regarding the recently in the Lithuania observed lack of citizens interest in politics and trust in the elected representatives, the hypothesis is held, that the Lithuanians voters decide to go to the pools on the basis of expressive motivations (the expressive motivations to go to vote in this theses are defined as the motivations, when citizen decide to go to the pools first of all because the very act of the voting has a value to him, not because he expect the concrete benefit from the election results, when the winning party or candidate will implement their policy). To examine this is the objective of this thesis. First of all the existing theories on the citizens' turnout motivations are reviewed, analyzed and classified, then the feasible model of the citizens motivation to vote are constructed on the basis of the extended rational choice theory. The main distinction is made between the instrumental and expressive voters turnout motivations. Thought in this thesis it is not aimed to evaluate the expressive motivations normatively, the possible sequences of the voting, when the turnout is conditioned by this kind of reasons, is objectively discussed. The conclusion is made that the broader outcomes of the expressive motivations highly depends on the specific kind of motivation from this group, but generally, one could state, that expressive motivations (certain kinds of them) can damage democratic quality, but definitely helps to sustain this kind of political regime. For the further analysis along the constructed turnout motivations model, the block of the survey questions was designed. The representative population survey was held in the end of March – beginning of the April of 2008 and the data provided by it is used in the succeeding research. Eight possible turnout motivations are defined: two instrumental (going to vote first of all because of the intension to elect the representatives of the voters interest, and the intension through the results of the election to resolve the topical issue voter cares about) ant six expressive motivations (going to vote because of the sense of civic duty, loyalty to the preferred political party or candidate, desire just to express one's will in the state ruling processes, solidarity to other members of one's social environment, pleasure to socialize with other community members during the voting process and going to the pools just for entertaining). In order to separate these two highly related motivation groups, the cleavage is incorporated and the concrete conditions which have to be fulfilled during the survey data's analysis in order to claim the prime existence of one or another motivation are defined. As expected, the existence of the expressive turnout motivations among Lithuanian voters is confirmed. Among them the most common, most popular motivations are going to the pools because of the desire to express the loyalty and support for the preferred political party or candidate (even if it is not expected that they can win), to express one's will in the state governing process, and going to the pools just because of the sense of duty. The more popular instrumental motivation, as it is found, is going to vote because of the desire to elect ones representative, but the most often both of the instrumental motivations are reported. Making the comparison, with some precaution one could say that the expressive motivations of turnout are even more often than the instrumental among Lithuanian voters.

In this master thesis, regarding the recently in the Lithuania observed lack of citizens interest in politics and trust in the elected representatives, the hypothesis is held, that the Lithuanians voters decide to go to the pools on the basis of expressive motivations (the expressive motivations to go to vote in this theses are defined as the motivations, when citizen decide to go to the pools first of all because the very act of the voting has a value to him, not because he expect the concrete benefit from the election results, when the winning party or candidate will implement their policy). To examine this is the objective of this thesis. First of all the existing theories on the citizens' turnout motivations are reviewed, analyzed and classified, then the feasible model of the citizens motivation to vote are constructed on the basis of the extended rational choice theory. The main distinction is made between the instrumental and expressive voters turnout motivations. Thought in this thesis it is not aimed to evaluate the expressive motivations normatively, the possible sequences of the voting, when the turnout is conditioned by this kind of reasons, is objectively discussed. The conclusion is made that the broader outcomes of the expressive motivations highly depends on the specific kind of motivation from this group, but generally, one could state, that expressive motivations (certain kinds of them) can damage democratic quality, but definitely helps to sustain this kind of political regime. For the further analysis along the constructed turnout motivations model, the block of the survey questions was designed. The representative population survey was held in the end of March – beginning of the April of 2008 and the data provided by it is used in the succeeding research. Eight possible turnout motivations are defined: two instrumental (going to vote first of all because of the intension to elect the representatives of the voters interest, and the intension through the results of the election to resolve the topical issue voter cares about) ant six expressive motivations (going to vote because of the sense of civic duty, loyalty to the preferred political party or candidate, desire just to express one's will in the state ruling processes, solidarity to other members of one's social environment, pleasure to socialize with other community members during the voting process and going to the pools just for entertaining). In order to separate these two highly related motivation groups, the cleavage is incorporated and the concrete conditions which have to be fulfilled during the survey data's analysis in order to claim the prime existence of one or another motivation are defined. As expected, the existence of the expressive turnout motivations among Lithuanian voters is confirmed. Among them the most common, most popular motivations are going to the pools because of the desire to express the loyalty and support for the preferred political party or candidate (even if it is not expected that they can win), to express one's will in the state governing process, and going to the pools just because of the sense of duty. The more popular instrumental motivation, as it is found, is going to vote because of the desire to elect ones representative, but the most often both of the instrumental motivations are reported. Making the comparison, with some precaution one could say that the expressive motivations of turnout are even more often than the instrumental among Lithuanian voters.

This article presents macro-level study of voting in Lithuania's local elections, with emphasis on changing electoral support for the incumbent parties. Presented statistical analysis of vote change in two periods between municipal elections (year 1997-2000 and 2002-2007) aims to explain the success (and failure) of dominant parties in national government and municipal councils (two separate cases). Article is mainly oriented into the search of economic voting, but hypotheses related to other, political-institutional factors are also tested. It is discovered that dynamics of unemployment change helps to explain vote change for the party that is dominant in the municipal council, but it is not important when state of economy is worsening. The dominant party in the national government is unanimously punished when unemployment is rising, but when the state of economy is improving, average vote change for such party is not outstanding. The dispersion of vote change in both cases (when dependent variable is vote change for the dominant party in the national government) is better explained by the political-institutional variables (firstly, turnout change). Adapted from the source document.

All over the world there is one main problem for government organizations in organizing general elections or referendums. (e problem is that citizens are very apathetic and their participation in elections and referendums is very low. (e elections and referendums, which are based on the traditional election system, use paper ballots which are inconvenient for a lot of citizens who have election rights, because it's not very comfortable or possible to reach voting polls on election day. In this case the participation of citizens is very low, because it's not always possible to visit polling stations when the distance to it is quite far or citizens have no time to vote. One of the easiest ways to increase participation of citizens in the country political processes is creation of electronic voting systems that can be used to cast citizen votes both remotely or not. Because of the opinion that e-voting systems will be more convenient for voters and that this will increase voter turnout on elections and referendums, governments of some countries are trying to create and begin to use those systems in their countries' general elections and referendums. This scientic paper represents the standards and main aspects of creation of e-voting systems, models and the main threats to electronic voting systems. It discusses system attack methods and people who are interested in compromising e-voting systems. Also it analyses the practice of using e-voting systems for elections and referendums in some world countries. ; Anotacija. Tikslas – išanalizuoti elektroninių rinkimų sistemų konstravimo principus, elektroninių rinkimų sistemų modelių kūrimo ir diegimo ypatumus, atskleisti elektroninių rinkimų pažeidimo metodus bei jų apsaugos užtikrinimo galimybes. Metodologija – nagrinėjant anksčiau nurodytus elektroninių rinkimų sistemų konstravimo principus ir elektroninių rinkimų sistemų modelius, taikyti sisteminės analizės bei koncepcinės lyginamosios analizės metodai leidžia geriau atskleisti elektroninių rinkimų pažeidimų metodus bei nustatyti jų technologinės apsaugos užtikrinimo priemones. Rezultatai – atskleisti elektroninių rinkimų sistemų pagrindiniai kūrimo, konstravimo principai, atlikta elektroninių rinkimų sistemų modelių lyginamoji analizė, sudaranti prielaidas kurti, plėtoti naujus modelius šioje srityje bei taikyti naujas ir efektyvias elektroninių rinkimų sistemų apsaugos nuo galimų pažeidimų priemones, laiku sukurti apsaugos nuo šių pažeidimų tarptautinius ir nacionalinius standartus. Praktinė reikšmė – atlikus elektroninių rinkimų sistemų kontstravimo principų sisteminę analizę bei lyginamuoju aspektu išanalizavus elektroninių rinkimų sistemų modelius išryškėję tam tikri privalumai ir trūkumai leistų efektyviau į įvairių šalių valstybės valdymo sistemas integruoti naujai kuriamus elektroninių rinkimų modelius, apibrėžiant šių modelių taikymo ypatumus svarbiausiuose strateginuose dokumentuose ir kituose nacionaliniuose teisės aktuose. Originalumas – darbo originalumą straipsnyje atspindi elektroninių rinkimų sistemų konstravimo ypatumų sisteminė analizė, išskiriant šešis pagrindinius bendruosius ir svarbiausius šių sistemų konstravimo principus, įvairių pasaulio mokslininkų sukurtų ir siūlomų elektroninių balsavimo (rinkimų) sistemų modelių koncepcinė analizė, šių modelių bendrųjų privalumų ir trūkumų išskyrimas lyginamuoju aspektu. Mokslinio straipsnio originalumas taip pat atsispindi elektroninių rinkimų modelių įgyvendinimo kontekste analizuojant aktualius klausimus, susijusius su grėsmėmis, kylančiomis elektroninių rinkimų sistemoms ir galimiems šių sistemų kompromitavimo metodams. Tyrimo tipas – e. rinkimų sistemų konstravimo principų, modelių ir šių sistemų pažeidimų bei apsaugos problematikos pristatymas.

The relation of mass Media and modern democracy is a topic for several reasons. First of all, it is urgent for the mass communications technology development changes in the public and media relations. Secondly, the rapidly evolving media changes the funcionality of democracy. Third, significant changes affect not only people, politicians, and media relations, but also public life. Selected Master's thesis is not widely studied and analyzed. The most consistent analysis about media influence to political life is given in Lauras Bielinis book \"The public, government and the media.\" Therefore, this subject has been chosen in the hope that it will be a springboard for the challenges of the media and their impact on democracy studies in Lithuania. Changes in mass communication facilitate communication, development of democracy, giving exceptional value for knowledge. However, a rapidly developing mass communication becomes complex challenge for democracy. It occurs like citizens apathy about common matters, decreasing voter turnout, a great abundance of information, increasing citizens' propaganda of self-determination. Therefore it is extremelly important to analyze the current situation of media in Lithuania, determine the public needs and expectations, posed for media. Such research methods were used: analysis of literature sources was applied for explaining and interpreting the positive and side effects of mass media; survey method with experts was performed to obtain useful information from the competent persons about media's role and prospects in relations between public and politicians in Lithuania. What is more, survey helped to get the opinion about what is missing in those relations and how the media should change. Mass communication development opens capabilities of wider communication and provides opportunities to manage the increased information flow. This is a slightly different form of mass communication model for development highlighted the problems of information overload. The media, attracting the attention of large audiences, must comply with basic standards of democracy: freedom, equality, solidarity. Unfortunately, frequent media ignores these standards while being commercialized, tabloid and dependent on the \"sponsors\". In order to have sufficient and corresponding with expectations media, Lithuanian society's should solve the media quality problems by developing civic literacy and access to the Internet, by improving the regulatory framework for the media, tightening requirements for media developers.

The relation of mass Media and modern democracy is a topic for several reasons. First of all, it is urgent for the mass communications technology development changes in the public and media relations. Secondly, the rapidly evolving media changes the funcionality of democracy. Third, significant changes affect not only people, politicians, and media relations, but also public life. Selected Master's thesis is not widely studied and analyzed. The most consistent analysis about media influence to political life is given in Lauras Bielinis book \"The public, government and the media.\" Therefore, this subject has been chosen in the hope that it will be a springboard for the challenges of the media and their impact on democracy studies in Lithuania. Changes in mass communication facilitate communication, development of democracy, giving exceptional value for knowledge. However, a rapidly developing mass communication becomes complex challenge for democracy. It occurs like citizens apathy about common matters, decreasing voter turnout, a great abundance of information, increasing citizens' propaganda of self-determination. Therefore it is extremelly important to analyze the current situation of media in Lithuania, determine the public needs and expectations, posed for media. Such research methods were used: analysis of literature sources was applied for explaining and interpreting the positive and side effects of mass media; survey method with experts was performed to obtain useful information from the competent persons about media's role and prospects in relations between public and politicians in Lithuania. What is more, survey helped to get the opinion about what is missing in those relations and how the media should change. Mass communication development opens capabilities of wider communication and provides opportunities to manage the increased information flow. This is a slightly different form of mass communication model for development highlighted the problems of information overload. The media, attracting the attention of large audiences, must comply with basic standards of democracy: freedom, equality, solidarity. Unfortunately, frequent media ignores these standards while being commercialized, tabloid and dependent on the \"sponsors\". In order to have sufficient and corresponding with expectations media, Lithuanian society's should solve the media quality problems by developing civic literacy and access to the Internet, by improving the regulatory framework for the media, tightening requirements for media developers.

Lithuania's referendum on the accession into the European Union was part of the so-called "domino strategy" of the fourth wave of EU enlargement, which aimed to influence the mindset of the inhabitants of the less euro-enthusiastic member states by placing the pressure of the anticipated high positive result from the more enthusiastic member states (Lithuania among them) on them. Typical trend of elites' manipulations can be observed in Lithuania, i.e. changing of the legal basis on the referendum prior to the EU accession referendum in order to facilitate positive outcome. These facilitating rules had been introduced step by step, bringing any discussions on these matters in a parliament during election campaigns of 2000 & 2002 to an end in order to escape escalation of the pro versus the anti-European cleavages within political system. Thus, a double hurdle (both turn-out & voting YES of 50 per cent of all eligible voters) existing since 1989 in referendum legislation was lowered introducing triple hurdle (turnout of 50 per cent & voting YES one third of all eligible voters but more than 50 per cent of participants) in 2002. Then, in 2003 it was facilitated once again introducing new double hurdle (turn-out 50 per cent of all eligible voters & voting YES by 50 per cent of participants). Further attempts to facilitate positive result were limited by two factors: first, a specific factor, an almost parallel initiative of referendum on the constitutional amendments (so-called "Uspaskikh referendum"), is to be taken into consideration. In addition, a general requirement that the citizens themselves decide on the issue of Lithuania's EU integration in a decisive & binding manner, i.e. a referendum, typical for other CEE countries as well as, was also important here. Finally, other settings laying ground for a positive result, though facilitated twice, were further reinforced by a two-day voting procedure. Together with an unexpected apathy of Hungarian voters in their referendum, these risky rules became a reason for dramatization & anxiety expecting proclaiming referendum as invalid due to insufficient voter turnout. An official information campaign of the Government on the EU accession started in 2000. Gradually it turned into a one-sided agitation campaign, let alone before the referendum date. Positive involvement of the institutions possessing high public confidence such as te mass media & Catholic Church, a well-established consensus of the major political parties on the EU accession, weak organization of the euro-skeptical movement all led to an absence of any substantial political competition. Finally, the advertising as such started dominating the campaign. Features of propaganda, sometimes coming very close to a violation of laws banning advertising during the voting days, could be observed here too. Different points of view should be endorsed in order to interpret the high positive result of the referendum in a sufficient manner. As regards the history of Lithuania's political system, it was the fourth successful referendum since the 90s. What was typical for all of them was that the citizens & the elites held a common position on the issue. Seen within the context of the latest internal political developments in Lithuania, it could be nevertheless equated to an exception first of all in view of electorate's positive motivation, less apathy & the lack of tangible protest features. Referendum proceeding & its results -- maximal active support for the YES statement among all countries of fourth wave of EU enlargement -- give a fresh & useful data for testing "elite-centric," "rational choice," "ideological-cultural" theories of euro-integration. 6 Lenteles. Adapted from the source document.

The Professor Mykolas Romeris discussed about political systems advantages e disadvantages. He compared a multi-party system in which three or more political parties have the capacity to gain control of government separately or in coalition. And a two- party system which is a form of party system where two major political parties dominate the voting in nearly all elections. As a result, all, or nearly all, elected offices end up being held by candidates endorsed by the two major parties. The ruling party's majority may still be based on a smaller segment of the population than coalition governments due to lower turnout, and votes cast that do not lead to the desired representative. According to the professor M. Romeris the two-party system does produce stable governments, but this comes at the expense of the preferred outcome of stable democracy. M. Romeris was disposed that political corruption is the misuse by government officials of their governmental powers for illegitimate, usually secret, private gain. He was pointed that politicians forgot the main ethical, political, moral principals. Favoring relatives or personal friends became too many powerful. Professor was sure that the nations will have to try the way to identity and eliminate such kind politics and parties.

Around all over the world, at this moment, there is one main problem, while government organizations are organizing general elections or referendums. Problem is that citizens are very apathetic and their participation in elections and referendums are very low. Elections and referendums which are based on traditional election system, using paper ballots, are uncomfortable for a lot of citizens, which have election right, because it's not very comfortable or possible to reach voting poll's on an election day. In this case the participation of citizens is very low, because it's not always possible to visit polling stations when the distance to it is quiet big or citizen have no time to vote. This problem is very urgent in Lithuania to. One of the easiest ways to increase participation of citizens in country political processes is creation of electronical voting systems which can be used to cast citizen vote remotely or not. Because of opinion that e-voting systems will be more convenient for the voters and this will increase voters turnout on elections and referendums, governments of some countries are trying to create and begin to use those systems on their countries general elections and referendums. This paper work is representing the standards and main aspects of creation of the e-voting systems and main threats to electronical voting systems. It discusses about system attack methods and people which are interested in e-voting systems compromising. Also it analyzes the practice of using e-voting systems for elections and referendums in some world countries. One of the paper work aims was to analyze Lithuanian e-voting system conception and try to offer the e-voting system, which can be used in Lithuanian elections and referendums, model. The main aim of this work was to make a research which can help to understand, what Lithuanian society thinks about e-voting system creation and future plans to use it in Lithuanian elections and referendums and will it be possible, that e-voting system use in Lithuania will increase citizens participation in elections and referendums.

Around all over the world, at this moment, there is one main problem, while government organizations are organizing general elections or referendums. Problem is that citizens are very apathetic and their participation in elections and referendums are very low. Elections and referendums which are based on traditional election system, using paper ballots, are uncomfortable for a lot of citizens, which have election right, because it's not very comfortable or possible to reach voting poll's on an election day. In this case the participation of citizens is very low, because it's not always possible to visit polling stations when the distance to it is quiet big or citizen have no time to vote. This problem is very urgent in Lithuania to. One of the easiest ways to increase participation of citizens in country political processes is creation of electronical voting systems which can be used to cast citizen vote remotely or not. Because of opinion that e-voting systems will be more convenient for the voters and this will increase voters turnout on elections and referendums, governments of some countries are trying to create and begin to use those systems on their countries general elections and referendums. This paper work is representing the standards and main aspects of creation of the e-voting systems and main threats to electronical voting systems. It discusses about system attack methods and people which are interested in e-voting systems compromising. Also it analyzes the practice of using e-voting systems for elections and referendums in some world countries. One of the paper work aims was to analyze Lithuanian e-voting system conception and try to offer the e-voting system, which can be used in Lithuanian elections and referendums, model. The main aim of this work was to make a research which can help to understand, what Lithuanian society thinks about e-voting system creation and future plans to use it in Lithuanian elections and referendums and will it be possible, that e-voting system use in Lithuania will increase citizens participation in elections and referendums.