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Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of consumer-style thinking on electoral behaviour. A new trend in political marketing – political branding – aims to correct precisely this deficiency. Due to the fact that the relevant research in the field of political branding and its impact on the voting behaviour of individuals is still in its infancy, we are faced with a lack of robust theoretical foundations. The text thus aims to clarify this situation by gathering and analysing existing branding concepts, pointing to their strengths and weaknesses. Also, it contributes to the theoretical discussion by linking research on political branding to existing theories of voting behaviour, asking whether the related branding concepts are able to explain the voting behaviour of voters as well as whether they are open to further amendments and modifications. ; Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of ...

This article deals with the phenomenon of invalid voting which has appeared in regional elections in the Olomouc region in the Czech Republic. First, contemporary theories of invalid voting are introduced. Second, the given hypotheses, which include both institutional and socio-economic factors that, according to the theories, contribute to higher levels of invalid voting, are tested. Statistical analysis such as linear regression is employed in the research. The dataset is comprised of municipalities (cases) in which regional elections were held. The results show that higher levels of invalid voting are associated with concurrent elections (elections to the regional assembly and elections to the upper house (the Senate) of the Czech Parliament) in those municipalities in which residents are older and less well-educated. If regional elections are held without concurring elections, socio-economic variables have a smaller effect on invalid voting. Therefore, the state authorities should consider a revision of respective electoral law and simplify the electoral process involved in concurrent elections. ; This article deals with the phenomenon of invalid voting which has appeared in regional elections in the Olomouc region in the Czech Republic. First, contemporary theories of invalid voting are introduced. Second, the given hypotheses, which include both institutional and socio-economic factors that, according to the theories, contribute to higher levels of invalid voting, are tested. Statistical analysis such as linear regression is employed in the research. The dataset is comprised of municipalities (cases) in which regional elections were held. The results show that higher levels of invalid voting are associated with concurrent elections (elections to the regional assembly and elections to the upper house (the Senate) of the Czech Parliament) in those municipalities in which residents are older and less well-educated. If regional elections are held without concurring elections, socio-economic variables have a ...

The EU enlargement process is a vital part of European integration. Previous research into EU enlargement aimed especially at the process itself or at the approaches of member states or EU institutions towards enlargement. We focus on political parties and their positions towards future enlargement of the EU. Comparing the opinions of the CDU and CSU on EU enlargement, we try to find out whether these two parties can be, at a European level, considered as one homogeneous actor and whether the CDU and CSU's declaratory opinions are consistent with the parties' MEP voting. Analysis thus deals both with the programme documents and statements of relevant politicians and with roll call votes in the European parliament. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses social policy in the programs of the relevant political parties. Right-wing political parties have profiled themselves as the main bearers of social reform. The pace of social reform started to drop in the second half of the nineties with a complete break down between 1997 & 1998. The political & voting programs of right-wing political parties have been the main source for this research. Adapted from the source document.

The article explores several reasons why women in Czech politics are underrepresented not only relative to their overall share in the society but also relative to their presence at lower levels of politics. The article tests two principal hypotheses using data from both a unique post-electoral public opinion survey carried out in the Olomouc region in 2010, and from official electoral statistics. First, it concentrates on the structural barriers of female underrepresentation presented by the candidate nomination and selection processes of the political parties. Second, it explores the possibility that more flexible candidate lists are beneficial for female representation. We compare the proportions of preference votes received by women both prior to and after electoral reforms in 2010, which for the first time gave voters the possibility to cast four preference votes and thus made the list structures more flexible. The research design includes both OLS and logistic regression models, which specify the empirical relationships derived from previous theoretical debates. The results suggest that Czech women are heavily disadvantaged by the Czech parties' candidate selection mechanisms, and also that we do not have enough evidence to conclude that flexible lists are more conducive to higher female representation. The article concludes by considering various institutional means of reducing female political underrepresentation, including the introduction of electoral gender quotas. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyses the effect of turnout on the support of different parties in the Czech Republic. It tests hypotheses derived from American & Western European literature concerning the advantage/disadvantage of higher turnout for particular parties, especially for left-wing parties. The text introduces the main theories & research strategies concerning the partisan effects of voter turnout, & then tests several hypotheses concerning this issue. The analysis uses both aggregate & individual level data. The results show that higher turnout is advantageous for the parties whose voters lack strong party identification (CSSD & the Green Party). On the other hand, it brings lower gains to parties with a disciplined electorate (ODS, KDU-CSL & partly also for KSCM). The case of KSCM points to the curvilinearity of the relationship between turnout & party support. More sophisticated statistical analysis should be used in future research. Adapted from the source document.