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The central aim in our NWO 'Comprehensible Language' project (2012-2016) was to investigate to what extent Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) intentionally and unintentionally affect political knowledge and political attitudes. In this article, we present an overview of four years of research. First, we investigated reasons for use of VAAs, distinguishing three types of users: checkers (well-informed, enjoying to check the VAA), seekers (looking for political information to base their vote on) and doubters (looking for information but cynical about politics). The proportions of these groups differ for first vs. second order elections. Second, we investigated whether VAAs increase users' political knowledge. We found that users report an increase of internal efficacy due to their VAA use, but we did not find an increase in actual political knowledge. Third, a field experiment showed systematic effects of framing variation on the answers to VAA assertions, which might suggest different underlying knowledge representations. Finally, think aloud research showed that users experience considerable problems with understanding the assertions semantically and pragmatically, as well as with interpreting the results screen. Additionally, we found that users view the result screen as an end point rather than as a starting point for deliberation. We discuss some implications for theory and practice.

The framing of a message can affect the way people think about an issue, and the framing of attitude questions influences the opinions expressed. Current research investigated political emphasis framing in the context of Voting Advice Applications. In an online survey regarding the European Elections (2019), a conservative vs. progressive frame was manipulated across 15 questions. As the original VAA did not include introductory texts to the questions, a control condition without introduction texts was also added. Participants (N = 106) were randomly assigned to one of these three conditions. Results show that there is an effect for conservative introductions to elicit answers reflecting more progressive attitudes, but only for the group of respondents with conservative voting positions (PTV). This pattern could not be explained by political sophistication: higher political sophistication is related to a main effect of more progressive answering behaviour, but does not explain the framing effect for conservative frames in the conservative group.

Analysis of the results of three municipal district council elections in May 1984 in Rotterdam (Netherlands) reveals that the unemployed vote considerably less frequently than do the employed, a finding supported by past research. Examination of intervening variables reveals that unemployment most notably affects the f of voting for autochthonous voters of Dutch origin, particularly those with only primary school education; age has no significant influence. Unemployed persons who do vote show a deviant voting pattern in that they support the Dutch social-democratic party (PvdA) more than does the average voter. Though results provide a social-psychological picture of the average unemployed, the influence of politics & the political culture have not been investigated. Further research is suggested on the political involvement of the unemployed. 13 Tables, 1 Figure. Modified HA

The value of voter behavior surveys lies in the possibility of following the changes of the voters' preferences. In this type of survey, errors are found that are due to specific problems of sample composition. The problem is that one cannot weigh the sample with respect to the variable 'past voting behavior'. Rs answers to the question: "Which party did you vote for in the last election?" cannot be accepted at face value. NIPO includes that question in its weekly survey. These surveys are studied to discover how to protect against mistakes arising from a nonrepresentative sample in terms of past voting behavior. The method involves a comparison between actual electoral returns & voters' statements regarding past voting behavior as well as a weighing of the sample based on the results of the weekly survey from the last sixteen weeks. In Comment, J. W. Foppen (Erasmus U, Rotterdam Netherlands) objects that there are serious weaknesses regarding the NIPO surveys which de Hond uses as his bases. Moreover, de Hond's own work based on these surveys suffers from statistical blunders & computational errors. In Remarks, de Hond answers that the above comments either are not applicable to his own work or else can be directed at all survey research work. They are also based on misunderstandings & an unsympathetic reading. 7 Tables. A. Orianne.

Additional information is offered on research on identification of a set of attributes that characterize Dutch political parties for the voters. One group of people was confronted with 12 unipolar adjectives & a subset of 5 parties; the 2nd group was confronted with 13 issues & 5 parties. The main result of analysis of the adjective group was that for some adjectives, the perception of parties changed, but remained invariable for others. 2 dimensions of the multidimensional representation were pointed out. The 3rd dimension however, could not be connected with any attribute; it can be considered as a kind of generalized evaluative dimension. The importance of these results for further research in this field is stressed. 10 Tables. Modified HA.

A focus on the radical left. An exploration of social characteristics of left wing radicals in The Netherlands In this article, we map the features of left wing radicals in The Netherlands. Despite growing public interest, quantitative research on the social composition of the radical left is scarce. That is why this research focuses on the social characteristics and parental backgrounds of left wing radicals. For this purpose, specific data were collected among left wing adherents (LEK2004), which are compared with representative data of the Dutch population (FNB2000). Logistic regression analyses showed that left wing radicals are highly educated, received little economic education, often are students or unemployed, and are nonreligious. In the political field, left wing radicals are not very likely to vote, but they do have an above average interest in political issues. Parental backgrounds that enhance the chance of being radical left wing are a culturally-based parental education, parental secularity and parental voting for left wing parties.