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Research on economic voting in Poland have been carried out from the beginning of the democratic transformation, focusing on isolating and testing of the transition model specific to the countries of Central Europe. Its differentiating feature is a novel way of simultaneously joining the retrospective and prospective motivations in the behavior of voters, compared to the conventional model present in consolidated democracies. The purpose of the present article is to attempt to determine the relationship between the two types of electoral motivations identified above in the parliamentary elections, starting with the election of 1991 and ending with the 2011 elections. Based on analysis and constructive criticism of findings of other researchers and own research, the presented paper evidences that the validity of applying the transitional odel in the study of economic voting in Poland has been exhausted, as the prospective motivation is nowadays predominant in the decisions of voters. Keywords ; Narodowe Centrum Nauki

The idea o f retrospective voting refers to voting decisions that are based on an evaluation of how the government has managed the economy. Research on economic voting in Poland have been carried out from the beginning of the democratic transformation, focusing on isolating and testing of the transition model specific to the countries of Central Europe. Its differentiating feature is a novel way of simultaneouslyjoining the retrospective and prospective motivations in the behaviour of voters, compared to the conventional model present in consolidated democracies. The retrospective voting model is defined as deciding whether to reward or punish the incumbent party on the basis o f past policy performance. Based on analysis and own research, the presented paper evidences that the validity o f applying the transitional model in the study of economic voting in Poland has been exhausted, as the retrospective motivation is nowadays predominant in the decisions of voters.

The issues discussed in this article are clearly related to the COVID-19 pandemic and its negative impact on civic participation. In 2020, the pandemic and combined lockdown temporarily interrupted deliberation of budget processes in over a hundred Polish cities. However, not much has changed in the general landscape and in the shape of the topography of civic budgeting in Poland. It is still a difficult area for deliberation, although it is possible. The authors of the article have attempted to present the effects of those elements of the statutory regulation of civic budgets that are not conducive to the development of deliberation. The results of the analyzes were compared to the typology of participation in civic budgeting known in the literature, taking into account the cases of three Polish cities.

Zarówno Rada, jak i Rada Europejska działają zgodnie z "kulturą konsensusu", co oznacza, że nawet jeśli formalnie mogą decydować o niektórych sprawach większością kwalifikowaną, w praktyce rzadko to robią. Jest to szczególnie prawdziwe w przypadku Rady Europejskiej i dlatego dla wielu obserwatorów było zaskoczeniem, gdy 9 marca 2017 roku Donald Tusk został wybrany na drugą kadencję jako przewodniczący Rady Europejskiej, pomimo przeciwnego głosu jednego państwa członkowskiego (Polski). Wydarzenie to oznaczało, że Rada Europejska po raz pierwszy skorzystała z możliwości wyboru swojego przewodniczącego większością kwalifikowaną, a nie jednogłośnie. W niniejszym artykule argumentuję, że stosowanie w takich sytuacjach formalnych przepisów pozwalających na głosowanie większością kwalifikowaną nie tylko nie podważa kultury konsensusu, ale wręcz jest niezbędne do jej utrzymania. Argument ten jest osadzony we wkładzie zwrotu praktycznego do badań politologicznych. Ten nurt umieszcza praktyki społeczne w centrum zainteresowania i podkreśla fakt, że mogą być one wykonywane mniej lub bardziej kompetentnie. Dlatego też, jeśli państwo członkowskie wykonuje "praktykę konsensusu" niepoprawnie, nie może oczekiwać, że normy, które tworzą kulturę konsensusu, pomogą mu narzucić swoje stanowisko innym państwom członkowskim. Ponieważ sposób funkcjonowania Rady Europejskiej jest trudno dostępny bezpośrednio, artykuł rozwija swoją argumentację, czerpiąc z dorobku badań nad procesem podejmowania decyzji w Radzie (w tym badań prowadzonych przez autora). Następnie przeprowadzona zostaje analiza dostępnych źródeł odnoszących się do wydarzeń z 2017 r., związanych z reelekcją Donalda Tuska. ; Both the Council and the European Council are said to operate under "the culture of consensus", which means that even if they formally can decide on some issues by qualified majority, in practice they rarely do so. This is particularly true of the European Council and so it was surprising to many observers when on 9 March 2017 Donald Tusk was re-elected for a second term as the European Council's president despite the explicit negative vote of one member state (Poland). This event marked the first time the European Council used the possibility of electing its president by qualified majority rather than unanimously. In this paper I argue that using formal provisions allowing for qualified majority voting in such situations is, far from undermining the culture of consensus, in fact necessary to maintain it. The argument is embedded in the practice turn contribution to political research. Practice turn moves social practices to the centre of researchers' interest and emphasises the fact that they can be performed more or less competently. Therefore, if a member state performs the "practice of consensus" incorrectly, it cannot expect the norms which constitute the culture of consensus to help it impose its position on other member states. Because the way in which the European Council operates is difficult to access directly, the paper develops its argument by drawing from the ongoing qualitative research on decision-making in the Council (including author's own field research). It also uses available publicly-available sources relevant to the events of 2017 Donald Tusk re-election to substantiate the argument.

Zarówno Rada, jak i Rada Europejska działają zgodnie z "kulturą konsensusu", co oznacza, że nawet jeśli formalnie mogą decydować o niektórych sprawach większością kwalifikowaną, w praktyce rzadko to robią. Jest to szczególnie prawdziwe w przypadku Rady Europejskiej i dlatego dla wielu obserwatorów było zaskoczeniem, gdy 9 marca 2017 roku Donald Tusk został wybrany na drugą kadencję jako przewodniczący Rady Europejskiej, pomimo przeciwnego głosu jednego państwa członkowskiego (Polski). Wydarzenie to oznaczało, że Rada Europejska po raz pierwszy skorzystała z możliwości wyboru swojego przewodniczącego większością kwalifikowaną, a nie jednogłośnie. W niniejszym artykule argumentuję, że stosowanie w takich sytuacjach formalnych przepisów pozwalających na głosowanie większością kwalifikowaną nie tylko nie podważa kultury konsensusu, ale wręcz jest niezbędne do jej utrzymania. Argument ten jest osadzony we wkładzie zwrotu praktycznego do badań politologicznych. Ten nurt umieszcza praktyki społeczne w centrum zainteresowania i podkreśla fakt, że mogą być one wykonywane mniej lub bardziej kompetentnie. Dlatego też, jeśli państwo członkowskie wykonuje "praktykę konsensusu" niepoprawnie, nie może oczekiwać, że normy, które tworzą kulturę konsensusu, pomogą mu narzucić swoje stanowisko innym państwom członkowskim. Ponieważ sposób funkcjonowania Rady Europejskiej jest trudno dostępny bezpośrednio, artykuł rozwija swoją argumentację, czerpiąc z dorobku badań nad procesem podejmowania decyzji w Radzie (w tym badań prowadzonych przez autora). Następnie przeprowadzona zostaje analiza dostępnych źródeł odnoszących się do wydarzeń z 2017 r., związanych z reelekcją Donalda Tuska. ; Both the Council and the European Council are said to operate under "the culture of consensus", which means that even if they formally can decide on some issues by qualified majority, in practice they rarely do so. This is particularly true of the European Council and so it was surprising to many observers when on 9 March 2017 Donald Tusk was re-elected for a second term as the European Council's president despite the explicit negative vote of one member state (Poland). This event marked the first time the European Council used the possibility of electing its president by qualified majority rather than unanimously. In this paper I argue that using formal provisions allowing for qualified majority voting in such situations is, far from undermining the culture of consensus, in fact necessary to maintain it. The argument is embedded in the practice turn contribution to political research. Practice turn moves social practices to the centre of researchers' interest and emphasises the fact that they can be performed more or less competently. Therefore, if a member state performs the "practice of consensus" incorrectly, it cannot expect the norms which constitute the culture of consensus to help it impose its position on other member states. Because the way in which the European Council operates is difficult to access directly, the paper develops its argument by drawing from the ongoing qualitative research on decision-making in the Council (including author's own field research). It also uses available publicly-available sources relevant to the events of 2017 Donald Tusk re-election to substantiate the argument.

In March 2020, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, local elections were held in Bavaria: the first round of voting took place on 15.03.2020 (traditional and postal voting) followed by run-off ballot on 29.03.2020 (postal voting alone). The political decision to rely solely on postal voting in the second ballot was made unanimously by all political fractions represented in the Bavarian parliament in the sense of responsibility for public health. The run-off ballot was held in constituencies where voting in the first round did not yield a winner. There were 34 such constituencies out of a total of 96. In this way, a research sample was created embracing the abovementioned 34 constituencies, randomly and evenly dispersed throughout the entire Bundesland, and a control sample comprising the remaining constituencies. The purpose of this paper is to test the hypothesis according to which the postal voting held in Bavaria in March 2020, amidst the pandemic, has led to an increase of the number of COVID-19 cases. The results of this study may be relevant for the discussion that is ongoing in Poland where public health concerns are being expressed. The Bavarian example was invoked by both supporters and opponents of postal voting as the sole form of voting in the upcoming 2020 presidential elections in Poland – as an argument made – respectively in favor of or against – sticking to the originally adopted schedule ; Teisės fakultetas ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas

In March 2020, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, local elections were held in Bavaria: the first round of voting took place on 15.03.2020 (traditional and postal voting) followed by the run-off ballot on 29.03.2020 (postal voting alone). The political decision to rely solely on postal voting in the second ballot was made unanimously by all the political fractions represented in the Bavarian parliament in the sense of responsibility for public health. The run-off ballot was held in constituencies where voting in the first round did not yield a winner. There were 34 such constituencies out of a total of 96. In this way, a research sample was created embracing the above-mentioned 34 constituencies, randomly and evenly dispersed throughout the entire Bundesland, and a control sample comprising the remaining constituencies. The purpose of this paper is to test the hypothesis according to which the postal voting held in Bavaria in March 2020, amidst the pandemic, led to an increase in the number of COVID-19 cases. The results of this study may be relevant for the discussion that in April and May of 2020 was going on in Poland - and never eventually settled - where public health concerns were raised. The Bavarian example was invoked by both supporters and opponents of postal voting as the sole form of voting in the Polish presidential elections originally scheduled for May of 2020. The Bavarian precedent was instrumentalized as an argument made - respectively in favor or against - sticking to the originally adopted electoral timeline.

In March 2020, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, local elections were held in Bavaria: the first round of voting took place on 15.03.2020 (traditional and postal voting) followed by the run-off ballot on 29.03.2020 (postal voting alone). The political decision to rely solely on postal voting in the second ballot was made unanimously by all the political fractions represented in the Bavarian parliament in the sense of responsibility for public health. The run-off ballot was held in constituencies where voting in the first round did not yield a winner. There were 34 such constituencies out of a total of 96. In this way, a research sample was created embracing the above-mentioned 34 constituencies, randomly and evenly dispersed throughout the entire Bundesland, and a control sample comprising the remaining constituencies. The purpose of this paper is to test the hypothesis according to which the postal voting held in Bavaria in March 2020, amidst the pandemic, led to an increase in the number of COVID-19 cases. The results of this study may be relevant for the discussion that in April and May of 2020 was going on in Poland - and never eventually settled - where public health concerns were raised. The Bavarian example was invoked by both supporters and opponents of postal voting as the sole form of voting in the Polish presidential elections originally scheduled for May of 2020. The Bavarian precedent was instrumentalized as an argument made - respectively in favor or against - sticking to the originally adopted electoral timeline. ; W marcu 2020 r., a więc w czasie trwania pandemii COVID-19, w Bawarii odbyły się wybory samorządowe: 15 marca - pierwsza tura wyborów (w formie tradycyjnej oraz korespondencyjnej), a 29 marca - druga tura (jedynie w formie korespondencyjnej). Zmiana reguł głosowania między I a II turą nastąpiła w atmosferze politycznej zgody, za aprobatą wszystkich frakcji parlamentarnych. Druga tura była zorganizowana w okręgach, w których głosowanie w pierwszej turze nie przyniosło rozstrzygnięcia. Takich ...

Young Citizen – Nonvoter? Students of Institute of Political Science (Pedagogical University in Cracow) as Participations of Electoral ProcessesTh e author concentrates on the problem of a role of young citizens in a contemporarystate and society. For this reason he assumes that their social and political attitudes,which are shaped today, will determine the quality of democracy in the future. In descriptionof motivation for voting we should notice not only the problem of internalapathy but also external alienation. Th e author, relating to empirical data from hisown research among students of Pedagogical University in Cracow, attempts to showreasons of their political passivity. Nonvoter in this study is understood as a personwho declares an absence in all kinds of election (local, parliamentary, presidential,European). Th e analysis of group of students who are potentially nonvoters leads tothe conclusion that young citizens are unplugged. Th ey are disappointed with contemporarypolitics and generally not connected with any political, social and localorganizations.

The article is a part of the reflections on the meaning of pro-attendance campaigns in the context of the increasing election absence in Poland. The considerations concentrate on the causes of electoral passivity and the steps taken by various entities (on the local, regional, national and international level) to encourage citizens to take part in elections. The period of empirical research includes two previous Polish campaigns preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical basis of the research is provided by the concept of framing and the theory of rational choice. Special attention is paid to the original elements of communication strategies in the campaigns run by non-governmental organizations, national and international institutions. Additionally, allegations against the politicization of pro-attendance campaigns are discussed. In the light of the research results, the pro-attendance campaign in 2004 was primarily focused on informing potential voters about the voting procedure. Addressed mainly to the younger generation of voters, the campaign from 2009 revealed a qualitative change in the way of approaching and implementing the pro-attendance campaigns (use of the potential of the Internet, organization of actions integrating young voters, civic education combined with entertainment). ; The article is a part of the reflections on the meaning of pro-attendance campaigns in the context of the increasing election absence in Poland. The considerations concentrate on the causes of electoral passivity and the steps taken by various entities (on the local, regional, national and international level) to encourage citizens to take part in elections. The period of empirical research includes two previous Polish campaigns preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical basis of the research is provided by the concept of framing and the theory of rational choice. Special attention is paid to the original elements of communication strategies in the campaigns run by non-governmental organizations, national and international institutions. Additionally, allegations against the politicization of pro-attendance campaigns are discussed. In the light of the research results, the pro-attendance campaign in 2004 was primarily focused on informing potential voters about the voting procedure. Addressed mainly to the younger generation of voters, the campaign from 2009 revealed a qualitative change in the way of approaching and implementing the pro-attendance campaigns (use of the potential of the Internet, organization of actions integrating young voters, civic education combined with entertainment).

The article is a part of the reflections on the meaning of pro-attendance campaigns in the context of the increasing election absence in Poland. The considerations concentrate on the causes of electoral passivity and the steps taken by various entities (on the local, regional, national and international level) to encourage citizens to take part in elections. The period of empirical research includes two previous Polish campaigns preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical basis of the research is provided by the concept of framing and the theory of rational choice. Special attention is paid to the original elements of communication strategies in the campaigns run by non-governmental organizations, national and international institutions. Additionally, allegations against the politicization of pro-attendance campaigns are discussed. In the light of the research results, the pro-attendance campaign in 2004 was primarily focused on informing potential voters about the voting procedure. Addressed mainly to the younger generation of voters, the campaign from 2009 revealed a qualitative change in the way of approaching and implementing the pro-attendance campaigns (use of the potential of the Internet, organization of actions integrating young voters, civic education combined with entertainment).

It is virtually impossible for a modern democracy to properly function without civic society. Direct democracy involves citizens in public life, thus facilitating the emergence of civic society. Voting in referenda and taking advantage of other forms of direct execution of power provides an opportunity to create a society that cooperates with the authorities in solving numerous public issues. A question can be asked in this context: How are the opportunities generated by exercising direct democracy being utilized in Poland? The research has corroborated the sad pattern that all authorities, which are the nation's representation after all, are not inclined to vest decision-making directly with this nation. The mechanisms of direct democracy in Poland, in practice, do not give the people (the sovereign in Poland) an opportunity to actually exercise their power. Legal provisions concerning referenda and people's initiative at a national level allow the political elite to completely control the application of these mechanisms.

The focal point of this paper is voter turnout in the self-government elections in Poland. Particular attention is given to the turnout in the city with district rights, Łódź. This city provides an interesting place of research, both on account of its peculiar location in the center of Poland, and its recent cultural, economic and political transformation. A local referendum on the dismissal of the city mayor, held on January 10, 2010, is worth mentioning. Łódź was the first large Polish city (with a population of over 500,000) where a one-man executive organ was dismissed before the end of his term. In the paper, the results of parliamentary election turnouts are juxtaposed with self-government election turnouts. Voter turnout is analyzed for each term of the self-government in Łódź, and the types and reasons for absence are indicated. The author uses these data to emphasize that over the twenty years of self-government's existence, voting procedures in Poland have not changed and are the most conservative in Europe.