Suchergebnisse

The paper is devoted to the revelation of distortion of the will of people voting outside voting premises. The formallegal method of research is applied. As the result of the study the ways of distorting the will of people voting outside voting premises were identified. It is concluded that the distortion of the will of voters voting outside voting premises is possible when portable ballot boxes comprise the number of ballots, which clearly contradicts the physical capabilities of precinct election commissions. Another conclusion states that public control over the voting outside voting premises can not be fully exercised. The identified ways of distorting people's will must be eliminated by the electoral legislation ban on voting outside voting premises. ; Статья посвящена выявлению способов искажения волеизъявления народа при голосовании вне помещения для голосования. В статье используется формально-юридический метод исследования. Результат исследования состоит в том, что выявлены способы искажения волеизъявления народа при голосовании вне помещения для голосования. Сделан вывод о том, что искажения волеизъявления избирателей при голосовании вне помещения для голосования вероятно тогда, когда в переносных ящиках для голосования оказывается такое количество бюллетеней, которое явно противоречит физическим возможностям участковых избирательных комиссий. Также сделан вывод о том, что осуществлять общественный контроль за голосованием вне помещения для голосования в полной мере невозможно. Выявленные способы искажения волеизъявления народа должны быть устранены внесением в избирательное законодательство запрета на голосование вне помещения для голосования.

For the most part, electoral and party research today is centered on the behavior of voters in two or four major clusters that can be conventionally placed on a scale from left to right. On the same scale, there are smaller groups whose value of separation is often questioned. This paper focuses on one of these groups: we consider a segment of voters united on the basis of their support for right-wing liberal parties and try to identify the most significant determinants of their choice. Based on the existing concepts of voting and data from the European Social Survey, 2016–2018, we generalize possible predictors – party and political selfidentification, ideological stances, social setting and material status – up to three theories ('ideological core', 'defectors' and 'winners'), and test their plausibility using regression tools. Modeling results show that for a number of parameters the separation of new subgroup is justified. First, we reject the hypothesis of a strategic non-voting for right-liberals (on the contrary, respondents often "strategically" vote for them rather than for some personally closer party). Second, we find similar characteristics of the voter profile in different European countries; in particular, people who share the values of non-interference (associated with opposition to income redistribution and cultural restrictions) are more inclined to electorally back the liberal right. On the other hand, for a complete picture it is not enough to indicate ideological or cleavage preferences: the fact of voting is strongly influenced by person's socio-economic background, confirming the earlier remarks about certain "privileges" in this electoral segment.

The subject. Normative acts which are the legal basis for remote e-voting conducted as an experiment on a single voting day on September 8, 2019 in Russia. New electoral technologies, including positive and negative forecasts of the success and necessity of this vote, are also in the focus of research.The purpose of the study is to consider the state of the legal framework for conducting the remote electronic voting experiment in the Russian Federation and its further development. We are aimed also to find out what laws have become the basis for remote electronic voting, what is the degree of by-laws regulation.The methodology. The main research method is comparative legal method, which allows revealing the concept of the remote electronic voting experiment and its procedural and technological features, as well as such general scientific research methods as analysis, synthesis, induction and deduction.The main results of the study and their scope. The concept of the experiment, its procedural and technological features are revealed. Skeptics say about the potential danger of this system in the scope of data storage and transmission. One can object to this by referring to the widespread use of Internet banking for transactions, as well as to the demand for the Moscow portal of public services among millions of people. With a high degree of probability it can be concluded that the remote method of voting will be in demand mainly among voters who are regular users of the Internet. Empowerment monitor the process of electronic voting will increase people's trust in this form of participation in the elections will have a fruitful impact on strengthening the institution of social control, which in the preparation for the experiment on remote electronic voting organized wide expert and public discussion, with participation of representatives of public and human rights organizations are not subjects of the electoral process. Skeptics say about the potential danger of this system in terms of data storage and transmission. Meanwhile, Internet resources are subject to similar threats. used by millions of people for transactions (Internet banking, Internet portal of public services). With a high degree of probability it can be concluded that the remote method of voting will be in demand mainly among voters who are regular users of the Internet. The expansion of opportunities for monitoring the process of electronic voting will help to increase people's confidence in this form of participation in elections, will have a fruitful impact on the qualitative strengthening of the institution of public control. The necessary provision of success is proper preparation for the experiment on remote electronic voting, including large-format expert and public discussion, in which representatives of public and human rights organizations that are not subjects of the electoral process are involved. The world experience of a similar procedure shows contradictory results, but in the future it is hardly possible to abandon the technologies that contribute to the democratization of the electoral process. The electronic voting procedure in Russia, regulated by federal laws and by-laws regulation after the elections of 8 September 2019, will be improved taking into account the experience gained.Conclusions. The experiment of remote electronic voting in Russia will contribute to the development of the electoral process. Suggestions of this study can contribute to the development of the electoral legislation of the Russian Federation. ; Рассматривается правое регулирование проводимого в качестве эксперимента в единый день голосования 8 сентября 2019 г. дистанционного электронного голосования. Раскрывается концепция эксперимента, его процедурные и технологические особенности. Отмечается, что мировой опыт проведения аналогичной процедуры показывает противоречивые результаты, но в перспективе вряд ли можно отказаться от технологий, способствующих демократизации избирательного процесса. Утверждается, что эксперимент по проведению в России дистанционного электронного голосования будет способствовать развитию избирательного процесса.

Introduction. The actuality of the topic is determined by the emergence of a new institution for Russia – the all-Russian voting, regarding which there is no single interpretation of the scientific community. The reform of the Constitution – amendments in 2020 – solved the urgent questions concerning the value-ideological sphere and also the socio-economic and political ones. The purpose of the article is to determine the justification, effects and perspectives of all-Russian voting as an institution of democracy and a legal institution. We made an attempt to systematically analyze the phenomenon of all-Russian voting and determine its meaning and prospects on the basis of existing regulatory legal acts, scientific developments of sociologists and lawyers. It provides the novelty of the work presented.Methodology and sources. The empirical base of the study is the data of the All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center poll on the awareness of Russians about the nationwide voting on amendments to the Constitution, as well as the results of the All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center electoral forecast on 06.23.2020, materials of the official website of the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation on the results of the all-Russian vote in 2020. In our work we used the concepts and developments of Russian scientists: Dzidoev R. M., Ilyin V. A., Morev M. V., Khorunzhiy S. N., Khristoforova E. I., Sokolova E. A., Chebotarev G. N. and others. We also used M. Weber's theory of plebiscite democracy and the theory of social institution. The study used the method of systems analysis and general logical methods.Results and discussion. In connection with the conduct of the all-Russian vote on the approval of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 2020, new regulatory legal acts were adopted. The emergence of the phenomenon of all-Russian voting has caused discussions in the scientific community and in society about the legitimacy and consequences of this political and legal phenomenon. In the article the author examines the sociological aspects of the all-Russian vote as an institution of democracy regarding the validity, nature, causes, consequences and perspectives. Namely, the forecasts of the institutionalization of the all-Russian vote, the features of this manifestation of democracy in relation to other forms of democracy in Russia, its significance for society are touched upon.Conclusion. Russia is a democratic state, and the forms of manifestation of democracy are enshrined in legislation. The all-Russian voting was held in accordance with the regulatory legal acts specially created for its implementation. A new institution of democracy has been formed. The result of voting for amendments to the Constitution showed the level and dynamics of interaction between the state and society, the timeliness of the questions put to the voting. Withal, the introduction of the all-Russian voting in the legal system of Russia and the question of the final institutionalization of the relevant relationship seems unlikely. ; Введение. Актуальность темы определяется появлением новой для России институции – общероссийского голосования, относительно которого нет единой трактовки со стороны ученого сообщества. Реформа Конституции – внесение поправок в 2020 г. – разрешила назревшие вопросы, касающиеся как ценностно-идеологической сферы, так и социально-экономической, политической. Цель статьи – определить основания, последствия и перспективы общероссийского голосования как института демократии и правового института. Новизна исследования состоит в том, что на основе имеющихся нормативно-правовых актов, научных разработок социологов и юристов предпринята попытка системного анализа феномена общероссийского голосования и определения его значения и перспектив.Методология и источники. Эмпирической базой исследования выступают данные опроса ВЦИОМ, посвященного информированности россиян об общероссийском голосовании по поправкам к Конституции, а также результаты электорального прогноза ВЦИОМ 23.06.2020, материалы официального сайта ЦИК РФ о результатах общероссийского голосования 2020 г. В работе использовались концепции и разработки российских ученых Дзидоева Р. М., Ильина В. А., Морева М. В., Хорунжего С. Н., Христофоровой Е. И., Соколовой Е. А., Чеботарева Г. Н. и др., теория плебисцитарной демократии М. Вебера, теория социального института. В исследовании использовались метод системного анализа, общелогические методы.Результаты и обсуждение. В связи с проведением общероссийского голосования по вопросу одобрения изменений в Конституцию Российской Федерации 2020 г. были приняты новые нормативные правовые акты. Появление феномена общероссийского голосования вызвало дискуссии в научной среде, в обществе по поводу легитимности и последствий данного политико-правового явления. В статье автор рассматривает социологические аспекты общероссийского голосования как института демократии относительно обоснованности, сущности, причин, последствий и перспектив. А именно затрагиваются прогнозы институционализации общероссийского голосования, особенности данного проявления народовластия относительно иных форм демократии в России, его значение для социума.Заключение. Россия является демократическим государством, и формы проявления демократии закреплены в законодательстве. Общероссийское голосование было проведено в соответствии со специально созданными для его проведения нормативными правовыми актами. Сформировался новый институт демократии. Результат голосования за поправки в Конституцию показал уровень и динамику взаимодействия государства и общества, своевременность вынесенных на голосование вопросов. В то же время имплементация общероссийского голосования в правовую систему России и вопрос окончательной институционализации соответствующих отношений представляются маловероятными.

Выборы являются важнейшим инструментом в принятии демократических решений. Самой большой проблемой при электронном голосовании является обеспечение тайны голосования. Целью исследования является детальное рассмотрение принципа тайного избирательного права при электронном голосовании, исследование правил тайного голосования. При написании работы использовались следующие общие методы исследовательской деятельности: сравнительно-правовой, индукция и дедукция, синтез и анализ, диалектический. В статье рассматривается международное законодательство в области тайного избирательного права (например, Кодекс надлежащей практики в сфере выборов). Более того, анализируются возможные нарушения принципа тайного голосования. Проводится обзор последних достижений в области защиты тайного избирательного права в зарубежных странах (Швейцария, Канада). Предлагаются способы обеспечения защиты тайны волеизъявления избирателя. На основе проведенного исследования сделаны выводы о необходимости дальнейшего развития системы электронного голосования, разработки и совершенствования защитного механизма тайного избирательного права. ; Election is the most important tool in democratic decision making. The provision of secrecy of the ballot is the biggest problem of electronic voting. The research goal is a detailed consideration of the principle of secret suffrage of electronic voting, research of rules of secret voting. The general research methods used were as follows: comparative legal research, induction and deduction, synthesis and analysis, dialectical research. The article considers the international legislation in the area of secret suffrage (for example, Code of good practice in electoral matters). Moreover, the possible violations of secret voting are analyzed. There is a review of recent achievements in the area of defense of secret suffrage in foreign countries (Switzerland, Canada). The author proposes the protective means for secret voter's will provision. The article concludes that further development of e–voting systems is imperative, as is the elaboration and the improvement of protective mechanism of secret suffrage.

This study explores the political aspect of closed cities, which is understudied compared to their managerial and economic aspects. The author examines the association between the status of a closed city and political preferences in 1990s. The study suggests that closed cities were strongholds of both liberal and anti-communist voting. It also hypothesizes that the differences in political preferences between closed cities and the rest of Russia diminish over time. The author collects electoral data from 1995 to 2003 and employs regression analysis, finding support for these hypotheses. However, the effect of voting for the "party in power" varies depending on the specific party project. This research contributes to understanding the political uniqueness of closed cities, considering their regional characteristics and social capital.

The purpose of the article is to describe electoral models in the national republics of the Siberian Federal District of the Russian Federation. The elections of the federal, regional and local levels in the republics of Tyva, Altai, Khakassia (2007–2019) are analyzed. The study is based on statistical and comparative analysis methods for three groups of indicators: 1) statistics on voter turnout and the level of support for the «United Russia» party; 2) socio-economic indicators of regional development; 3) ethnic localization of the population and the level of urbanization. The sources of research are official statistics, electoral statistics of republican election commissions. The results of the analysis allow us to identify the characteristics and differences in the electoral models of the republics based on the analyzed indicators. The Republic of Tyva represents the most conservative clientist political model with signs of institutionalization. The pattern of traditionalist electoral behavior of ethnically localized and low-urbanized communities with a high density of social ties and personal contacts, administratively controlled due to financial dependence on the Central budget and subsidies, is constantly reproduced. The Altai Republic is a less conservative model associated with the demonstrated electoral absenteeism of the majority ofthe voters. The active part of the electorate has a tendency to transform electoral patterns over the course of two cycles. The electoral patterns of the Republic of Khakassia demonstrate a non-conformist electoral pattern of the active electorate, which is due to the lower dependence of the population on budget transfers and social payments, and a higher level of income than in other republics under consideration. It should be noted that the level of support for the ruling party has gradually decreased, even with the most administrated and clientist voting patterns, and that absentee electoral behavior patterns have been transformed into a more active political position expressed through protest voting.

Blockchain is a new information technology that can be used in many areas of human activity. The fi rst and most famous example of the use of blockchain technology is the Bitcoin cryptocurrency. Today, cryptocurrency has transformed into a publicly recognized means of payment, a virtual currency that is accepted by large and small enterprises, corporations and services. Today, they conduct research and implement a number of projects using Blockchain technology in such areas as healthcare, media, electronic voting, fi le storage, smart contracts, insurance, the public sector (issuing passports, collecting taxes, registering land plots), etc. The IBM Corporation is researching Blockchain technology and is working on the creation of software, with the help of which partners will be able to conclude digital contracts that will be recorded in the global network. IBM is also implementing a project called Adept, which aims to track network-connected devices using Blockchain technology. The purpose of this article is to study the directions of using Blockchain in public policy.

The article examines political participation as one of the basic concepts of research in political science. Reflecting on modern manifestations of political participation, it can be defined as conventional - propaganda, voting, community activities, interaction with the government officials, discussions and debates, etc., as well as widespread and widely applicable non-conventional forms of civil disobedience, protests, demonstrations and other voluntary activities. ; Քաղաքական մասնակցությունը հոդվածում դիտարկվում է որպես քաղաքագիտական հիմնական հասկացություններից մեկը: Անդրադառնալով դրա ժամանակակից դրսևորումներին՝ քաղաքական մասնակցությունը կարող է ներառել քարոզչությունը, համայնքային աշխատանքը, պետական պաշտոնյաների հետ փոխգործակցությունը, քննարկումները, բանավեճերը և այլն, ինչպես նաև քաղաքացիական անհնազանդության տարածված և ոչ ավանդական ձևերը, բողոքները, ցույցերը և քաղաքացիների այլ կամավոր գործողությունները: ; Политическое участие рассматривается в статье как одна из основных политологических концепций. Размышляя о его современных проявлениях, к политическому участию можно отнести пропагандистскую, общинную работу, взаимодействие с государственными чиновниками, дискуссии, дебаты и т. д., а также широко распространённые и нетрадиционные формы гражданского неповиновения, протестов, демонстраций и другие добровольные мероприятия граждан.

In our modern world electoral sociology, which is under constant scrutiny by the general public, as well as members of the media, in many ways shapes the image of sociology as a scientific discipline. Today sociology is often represented by media reports about the results of public opinion polls on the subject of politics and electoral affairs. Meanwhile a certain other trend is apparent: the high expectations imposed on electoral studies, as well as on their verifiability and efficiency, encourage the further development of sociological research and sociology in general. Scientific studies on electoral processes are defined by the convergence of various schools and paradigms of research, which implies an overlapping of different approaches and methods. This article presents the stages of electoral sociology's development, from "straw polls" to contemporary theories of electoral behavior (the straw poll stage, electoral sociology in the 1930's and 1940's, ecological analysis in electoral sociology, the behavioral approach, the sociological theory on electoral behavior, the socio-psychological theory of electoral behavior, the theory of instrumental rationality), which in modern electoral sociology are known as "post-Gallup" theories. The author reveals the main characteristics of each stage of modern electoral sociology's development, while highlighting its achievements and value, and giving a comprehensive analysis of modern theories of electoral behavior, with regards to issues located on the line between political sociology and sociology of law. Among these issues special consideration is given to elections as a political phenomenon, the political culture and political attitudes of the electorate, features of voting systems, political mechanisms and electoral technologies.

A survey conducted by "Centre for Socio-economic and Humanities Research" at the Kama Polytechnic Institute in the city of Naberezhnye Chelny in October 1999 represents a specific material for the analysis of age differences in the political culture within a particular area - a major industrial city of the Republic of Tatarstan.

The article presents the results of applied political research, the purpose of which is to determine the scale, mobilization potential, social base, and digital communication technologies of protest-oriented information flow in the Russian segment of social media on the eve of the Single Voting Day of 2021. The cognitive mapping implemented in the study made it possible to identify the meaningful characteristics of the information flow. The social media analysis made it possible to determine the dynamic and structural characteristics of the information flow, the gender and age specifics of the users involved in it, as well as quantitative characteristics of the activity of key communities forming protest information flows. The method of social
graphs revealed the structure of interaction between the opposition and protest communities of Telegram in 2021. The event analysis carried out during the study made it possible to fix the key peaks of growth in the dynamics of user activity around protest events and discourses. On this basis, it was possible to identify the triggers used to involve users in protest information flows (elections, law enforcement agencies, vaccination, socio-economic problems), typologize the communities forming the protest information flow (protest aggregator communities, news aggregator communities, local analytics communities), and model of mass protest mobilization (primary trigger — secondary trigger — offline protest).

What factors influence the level of representation of women in parliaments? There are several explanatory models in the research literature, but a broad consensus is formed around one. Research shows that there is a strong correlation between the level of women's representation and the type of electoral system. It is noted that the high representation of women in Parliament is associated with the conduct of elections based on the proportional electoral system. The author emphasizes that scientists came to this statement as a result of, first, analyzing data from developed countries, consolidated democracies and, second, conducting cross-country research. The purpose of this article is to verify this provision in Russian conditions. To achieve this goal, the author collected empirical material based on lists of candidates (both Federal and single-mandate districts) of political parties. The research method was regression analysis. As a result of statistical calculations, the author came to the conclusion that the Duma elections under the proportional system do not ensure high representation of women. It is shown that the voting system does not work automatically in terms of determining the proportion of women parliamentarians. Electoral systems are one of the many factors that can affect women's representation in legislative bodies. Other factors are party characteristics such as party ideology. ; Какие факторы влияют на уровень представительности женщин в парламентах? В научной литературе существует несколько объяснительных моделей, но в отношении одной сложился широкий консенсус. Исследования показывают, что имеет место быть сильная корреляция между уровнем представленности женщин и типом избирательной системы. В работах отмечается, что высокое представительство женщин в парламенте связано с проведением выборов на основе пропорциональной избирательной системы. Автор подчеркивает, что к данному утверждению ученые пришли в результате, во-первых, анализа данных экономически развитых стран, консолидированных демократий и, во-вторых, проведения межстрановых исследований. Целью настоящей статьи является проверка данного положения в российских условиях. Для достижения этой цели автор собрал эмпирический материал, основу которого составили списки кандидатов (как федеральные, так и по одномандатным округам) политических партий. Методом исследования стал регрессионный анализ. В результате статистических расчетов автор пришел к выводу, что думские выборы по пропорциональной системе не обеспечивают высокое представительство женщин в Госдуме. Показано, что система голосования не работает автоматически в плане определения доли женщин-парламентариев. Избирательные системы являются одними из многих факторов, которые могут повлиять на представительство женщин в законодательных органах. Другими факторами выступают такие партийные характеристики, такие как партийная идеология.

In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.

Introduction. In modern Russian society, understanding of elections as an important component of the country's social and political life in the context of differences in political orientations of the population is increasingly affirmed. This statement makes it possible to consider the geography of elections both in individual regions and in the country as a whole, as well as to conduct a deep historical analysis to better understand the current political processes in the country.

Methods. It seems most important to consider this problem in the context of the federal elections for the post of President of the Russian Federation using the statistical method. The comparative and cartographic methods contribute to a better understanding of geographical features of political preferences of the electorate.

Analysis. The study shows that the development of any process, including political one, is seriously influenced by the regional specificity of the territory, affecting all of its spheres. In this regard, it is necessary to single out the reasons for the nature of changes in electoral preferences of voters in the territory under study.

Results. The authors trace the dynamics of the electoral activity of the population of the Lower Volga mesoregion in the presidential elections. The researchers reveal the change of electoral preferences of voters for the period under review. The paper presents the territorial analysis of the political preferences of the population identified in the process of federal elections; marks their multidirectional nature. The authors identify the main reasons for the changes in electoral preferences of voters in the Lower Volga mesoregion at the presidential elections.