Suchergebnisse
Filter
5 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
Jövedelemáramlás együtt élő korosztályok között: a nemzeti transzferszámlák és nemzeti időtranszferszámlák
In: Kutatási jelentesek 96
Minimálbér – minimáljövedelem – feltétel nélküli alapjövedelem?
In: Erdélyi jogélet, Band 1, Heft 4, S. 98-109
ISSN: 2734-7095
Changes in the labour market have marked features that are important for previous eras. These changes are primarily changes as digitalization comes to the fore, which significantly changes the structure of the labour market. The time lag between job losses and new jobs created due to new technologies, as well as possible retraining, will result in an intermediate time interval. This time interval for maximum service will be characterized by a low-skilled workforce. Starting out, however, from the principle of state social welfare, we cannot leave these persons without benefits. The question was made especially topical by the COVID-19 epidemic, which also reached Europe in the spring of 2020. In several countries, basic income or -similar social benefits have been introduced. The reason for this move is the significant employment crisis that has resulted in the lockdown used by some countries to stop the spread of the virus. The basic income is, however, only one element of the system, which is why it is necessary to examine the issue in relation to the minimum wage and minimum income.
Neokorporatív társadalmi-gazdasági érdekegyeztetés Közép-Európában : a szlovén modell
In his study the author deals with the question of the corporative organization of the young Slovenian state. In the first part of his writing the author presents the theory and development of corporative ideas after WWII. He sums up the main theories of Philippe C. Schmitter and Gerhard Lehmbruch, the two main thinkers of modern corporatism and shows how these theories influenced the development of societal/liberal corporatism. The author introduces the concept of concertation, the new decision-making process of the modern corporative state and differentiates it from the classic pressure politics of liberalism. After the theoretical background in the second part of his study the author gives an introspection into the forms of Slovenian corporative cooperation. First of all, he describes the main organizations of the tripartite political processes: the employers' chambers and associations (e.g. Gospodarska zbornica Slovenije, Trgovinska zbornica Slovenije, Združenje delodajalcev Slovenije) and the employees' unions (e.g. Zveza svobodnih sindikatov Slovenije, Konfedearcija sindikatov Slovenije Pergam, Konfederacija sindikatov 90 Slovenije). At the end of his work he shows the function of the classical corporative forums in Slovenia: the Economic and Social Council (Ekonomsko-socialni svet Slovenije, ESSS) and the National Council (Državni Svet). The author's conclusions are unambiguous: after the successful achievement of independence and freedom, Slovenia managed to create one of the most effective organizational models of modern (societal/liberal) corporatism and uses the process of concertation fruitful for his economic stability and social welfare.
BASE
What Kind of Public Policies Trigger Populism
This working paper investigates public policies that precede the rise of populism. A mixedmethod research design is applied: on the one hand, we use data from international surveys and databanks to explore the policy–populism nexus from a comparative European perspective. On the other hand, country case studies have been prepared to understand the country-specific historical and socio-economic features of populism and its potential policy roots. Four countries were selected as national case studies: two EU member states (Greece and Hungary) because of a strong, long-term support of populist parties; one EU member state (Lithuania), where support of populist parties remain moderate, although historical and socio-economic features suggest a likely rise of populism; and one country (Turkey) that exhibits the potential hybridization tendencies of populism and the role of policies in the shift from democratic towards authoritarian regimes. We found that the content of policies were weak predictors of the rise of populism. Country-specific measures were more important predictors than policy ideas. At the same time, our results demonstrate that the lack of activation policies may be a strong predictor of welfare populist attitudes of citizens, and the exclusion of a significant proportion of young people from the labour market clearly feeds populist attitudes. Another important finding is that crisis management policies matter, but not the socio-economic crisis in itself: the management of crisis by non-elected policy experts, through technocratic governance methods, will likely trigger populism. This is particularly true in societies where political polarization is high
BASE